沒有社會主義的民主只是資產階級專政，沒有民主的社會主義只有官僚階級專政。兩者都是絕對專制，都無法想象與對手分享權力。

　　 這一新秩序的問題在於，兩個極端都沒有解決人類問題。經濟發達與思想啟蒙才能帶來民主與社會主義，而不是相反；正因如此，在那些最早完成原始資本積累的帝國主義國家才能在之後成為民主社會主義國家或者自由國家。

　　 但對於公民而言，即使是金融資本主導的國家也要好於官僚資本壟斷的國家，前者以財富取代了一切關系，後者卻既想保持資本壟斷又保持權力，還害怕被人看出端倪。想要吃人血肉又要偷偷摸摸。

　　 ---

　　 1986年4月

　　 特雷古波娃過來給羅曼諾夫放下報告，他抬頭問：“你過的怎麼樣？”

　　 “很好，”她說。“你今天看起來很優雅。”

　　 “謝謝，我今天有很重要的事情處理，我想先問一下你。”羅曼諾夫指了指椅子說：“坐下，我想問問你對蘇聯官僚怎麼看待的？”

　　 “他們怎麼了？”她說。

　　 “他們是自私的；他們不關心蘇聯。”

　　 特雷古波娃笑了。羅曼諾夫又說：“更重要的是，他們不想聽我的話。”

　　 “這不是一個好的特質。”

　　 “我知道，”他說。“你明白這很危險，如果他們的人反對我們，我們會很危險甚至坐牢。”

　　 “我不擔心坐牢，”她說，“我擔心的是你。”

　　 “別這樣，”他說。“我有很大的自由。”羅曼諾夫拿起筆寫了一些名字說：“我所以來問你這件事情來得到意見，我信任你。”

　　 “當然，”她說。“老板不是每天都相信下屬的意見。”她咧嘴笑了。“尤其是在這麼重要的事情上。”

　　 “你覺得我這個人怎麼樣？”

　　 “你是個偉大的領袖，”她說。“以你領導國家的方式，我別無選擇，只能尊重你。”

　　 “謝謝你，”他說。“我認為你很棒，你是一筆真正的財富。”

　　 “這就是我想聽到的，”她說。

　　 “所以，讓我們談談得到官僚支持的方法。我想恢復地方領導人任期制度，但又不能讓官僚反對我。”他指著那些名字。“這些人都非常樂意遵守我的法令，但他們仍然需要通過這個系統。”

　　 “你可以隨時威脅要揭露他們。”特雷古波娃說。

　　 “我認為這沒有必要。”羅曼諾夫閉上眼睛說：“這會觸怒他們，他們是記仇的。我可以通過協商他們退休，但要保證他們的特權與待遇並讓他們指定繼任者。”

　　 特雷古波娃說：“你也可以把它們移除。”

　　 “風險更大，”他說。“我需要保護的不僅僅是他們的特權，還有他們的生命。”

　　 “有什麼區別？”

　　 “不同的是，如果我殺了他們，那麼我必須自己動手。如果他們被移除，那麼他們將受到體系的擺布。”羅曼諾夫又解釋說：“他們是一堆人脈關系組成的集團，一榮俱榮，一損俱損。而且換掉他們換上新的人也會反對我們，因為新一代官僚的腐化與野心比這些老人更嚴重。”

　　 現實中戈爾巴喬夫這樣做了，結果他提撥的改革派年輕人馬上就在享受原有特權的基礎上開創了新的腐敗手段。甚至連戈爾巴喬夫都一邊用反腐運動清理政治對手，一邊修造豪華別墅（比如克里米亞半島弗洛斯鎮的豪華宅邸）。

　　 戈爾巴喬夫他被官僚體系的瞞騙與蘇聯最高領導人的光環與特權讓他對蘇聯的現實幾乎是一無所知，同時西方領導人與西方媒體的贊頌（尤其是撒切爾與里根對他的贊美吹捧還有禮物）讓他產生了錯覺。

　　 以前蘇聯領導人不會有這個致命錯誤。即使是勃列日涅夫也不會愚蠢到相信另一個陣營的敵人並按它說的做，因為敵人希望他這樣做。

　　 而戈爾巴喬夫居然相信蘇聯可以通過改革（尤其是政治改革）融入歐美國家主導的政治經濟體制，並且一廂情願支持東歐國家與加盟國的自由主義與民族主義者來打壓東歐保守派與加盟國官僚集團，這是戈爾巴喬夫與他派系的一個致命錯誤。

　　 “我明白你為什麼會這樣想，”特雷古波娃說。

　　 “你還有別的辦法嗎？”

　　 “不，”她說。

　　 “那我們就得冒得罪他們的風險。”羅曼諾夫站起來說：“我有個會議，一小時後回來。”

　　 特雷古波娃說：“這次會議是關於什麼的？”

　　 “軍事改革的事情，坐在這里等我。”

　　 羅曼諾夫走了出去，特雷古波娃轉向她的同事自言自語地說：“從他的行為方式來看，你會認為他在管理一個獨裁政權，而不是一個民主國家。”

　　 “他永遠不會成為獨裁者，即使他擁有所有的權力，”卡塔琳娜說。“他太有原則了。”

　　 “我還是不喜歡，”她說。

　　 “比如？”卡塔琳娜問。

　　 “他把太多的權力交給了將軍和官僚，而不是我們。”她坐在卡塔琳娜旁邊說，“我已經厭倦了當第二副手。”

　　 “哦，別這樣，”卡塔琳娜說，“我們都知道你是他的最愛。”

　　 “那是真的，”她說。

　　 “如果你想改變現狀，那就去找他談談。”卡塔琳娜說：“他聽你的。”

　　 她想了想說，“我想我會的。”

　　 ***

　　 與此同時，羅曼諾夫走到會議室內和蘇聯國家經濟計劃發展委員會主席尼古拉·康斯坦丁諾維奇·巴伊巴科夫與國家計劃委員會副主席列夫·沃羅寧會面。

　　 “同志們，請坐，”羅曼諾夫說。“我們將討論蘇聯經濟的未來。”

　　 兩個人坐下來，羅曼諾夫說：“我們已經開始在內部討論這些問題，並提出了一些解決當前問題的方案。”他把一個馬尼拉文件夾放在桌子上。“請看一下。然後我們將討論如何進行。”

　　 巴伊巴科夫和沃羅寧仔細閱讀了文件夾中的文件，完成後，巴伊巴科夫說，“羅曼諾夫同志，我知道你對我們目前的問題有一些建議。請告訴我們。”

　　 “第一件也是最重要的事，”他開始說，“必須要物價上漲到合理的地步，蘇聯干預經濟鎖死物價的直接後果已經顯露出來了，國營商店名義上的牛肉與面包價格居然比原料還便宜！鎖死物價的代價就是地下黑市已經取代了國營商店成為了零售市場。而且蘇聯不斷提高工資使貨幣超發過多，又沒有任何行業作為蓄水池保護。”

　　 “換句話說，我們有通貨膨脹，”巴伊巴科夫說。

　　 “當然，”羅曼諾夫說。“雖然物價一直在上漲，但預算赤字也在上漲。當貨幣過度膨脹時，物價實際上在上漲，國家不能對收入或商品征稅。當德國占領法國時，黑市成為法國事實上的經濟，直到政府能夠重新控制經濟。同樣的事情也在這里發生。地下黑市已經成為了事實的零售市場，如果摧毀它反而會產生真正的黑市。相反，我們應該逐步提高物價。”

　　 “這也是我們支持的意見，問題在於民眾已經習慣了物價不變，上漲幅度太大會讓民眾恐慌與反對。”

　　 “這就是為什麼我們必須采取緩慢、有計劃的手段，以可控的方式提高價格。你的這個計劃聽起來很合理，但可能適得其反。如果我們走得太快，人民會感到不安，就會發生暴亂。我們需要找到一個快樂的媒介。\"

　　 “那麼，你有什麼建議？”

　　 “我建議食品價格上漲15%，其他商品價格上漲10%，服務和貨幣價格上漲5%。這些都是合理的數字，而且仍將允許一個更繁榮、盡管略為緊縮的社會。”羅曼諾夫說。

　　 “這太快了，食品價格應該上漲不過3%，其他商品價格不應該超過5%，太快了民眾會像新切爾斯克事件那樣示威的。”

　　 “我不是在為這個爭論，但我認為我們需要為任何可能性做好准備。這是一個長期項目，需要一些時間，我們不能太匆忙。我們應該在15年內讓物價上漲80%，每年上漲4%～5%。我認為這是合理的。”

　　 “不，太快了。好吧，食品增加1%，其他商品增加2%，貨幣增加1%。這是合理的。我們不能容忍暴亂發生。這是一個微妙的行動，我們需要非常小心如何進行。”

　　 “那麼，我們是一致的。我將把這些問題提交政治局，並獲得他們對新政策的批准。他們批准這一行動方針是很重要的，因此，我需要你對其他一些問題的意見。例如，美國目前正在推行一項威脅蘇聯生存的政策。你對此有何看法？”

　　 “我們關於美帝國主義侵略的思想是眾所周知的。正因如此，列寧格勒對外開放經濟是很危險的。”

　　 羅曼諾夫皺了皺眉，果然計劃經濟委員會還是會對這種措施感到不滿。

　　 “然而，美國人提出的一些想法似乎並沒有那麼糟糕。”羅曼諾夫說：“而且我們必需與國際市場進行商品與技術交易，當然，我的意思並不是蘇聯要像中國與越南一樣進行市場化改革。我的想法是蘇聯需要一個對外進行經濟交流的港灣與金融經濟的蓄水池來防止零售市場與制造業承擔超發的貨幣。”

　　 “讓我把這件事說清楚，”巴伊巴科夫說。“你想讓蘇聯走上貿易修正的道路，但前提是它不會變得太市場化。我這樣說對嗎？”

　　 “是的，這是正確的，”羅曼諾夫說。

　　 “嗯，我不同意這一點。同志，你建議走的這條路很危險。蘇聯經濟的問題在於，它與國家完全融合，國家有陷入不可持續甚至毀滅性活動的傾向。而且，現在蘇聯是第二大經濟體與城鎮率70%以上的國家，不是識字率28%全國人口81%是農民的舊俄羅斯帝國。這正是資本主義國家在走上國家支持的工業化道路時所遇到的問題，它通常會導致經濟災難。用亞當·斯密的話說，一個依賴於“國家干預”的社會的問題在於，從長遠來看，國家的“干預”永遠不會惠及任何人，除了使用干預武器的政客”

　　 “這相當於減少了資本主義關於自由放任的爭論。”羅曼諾夫說：“我明白的，蘇聯作高緯度地區它進行工業建設與生產的成本遠遠大於那些熱帶國家地區。如果不是布爾什維克強行工業化是沒有可能產生一整套工業生產體系的，蘇聯市場化將會出現去工業化的情形。你與計劃經濟的其他同志可以相信我將堅持蘇聯的計劃經濟，波羅的海的經濟開放只是提供一個貿易口，金融經濟不會占據蘇聯經濟的20%比重。”

　　 “嗯，是的。我相信你會的。但請記住，對於剩下的80%的國家來說，這將是一個非常痛苦的變化。必須制定解決這些問題的計劃。”

　　 “當然。計劃將作相應調整。然而，我認為沒有必要改變這個制度。目前的制度有缺陷，但我相信可以用蘇聯制度的工具加以糾正。通過集體努力，我們可以創建一個更強大、更繁榮的國家。”

　　 “最後一件事，同志。財政預算調整是不是太激進了？為什麼降低教育預算而不是軍事預算？為什麼不兩個都削減？”

　　 “嗯，蘇聯不能通過增加軍費來提高工人階級的生活水平。但我們不增加軍事預算就可以了，削減軍事預算會讓軍隊不滿。”羅曼諾夫疲憊不堪地回應說，軍費開支只占整體經濟的更大一部分，而且是可以控制的。

　　 “好吧，我相信，”巴伊巴科夫從椅子上站起來說。“我相信你，同志。我希望你是對的。”

　　 兩個人握了握手，然後羅曼諾夫離開了。

　　 ***

　　 羅曼諾夫回到辦公室，告訴她發生了什麼事。

　　 “我不認為巴伊巴科夫同志相信這一點，”特雷古波娃說，目光直指羅曼諾夫。

　　 “蘇聯官僚很聰明又不聰明。”羅曼諾夫脫下手套扔在桌上說：“應付他們是一件能讓人加速死亡的事情。”

　　 “很明顯，他沒有，”她說。

　　 “並不是說他不相信，”羅曼諾夫說，“這取決於這件事情會不會傷害他們的利益，比如說，奧加爾科夫元帥的信息化軍事理論所有人都知道是正確的，但沒有人支持他還想讓他退體養老。”

　　 “我明白你的意思。”

　　 “關鍵是，官僚機構就像人一樣。如果你想繼續呼吸，就必須讓他們高興。”

　　 “但他們不是人。”

　　 羅曼諾夫笑了一聲說：“這句話很對，勞動者才是人，而且存在兩個蘇聯。好了，我太累了。”

　　 “你認為這會很快結束嗎？”她問。

　　 “我真的沒想過，”羅曼諾夫說，“有些事情需要我去做，有些事情不需要任何人去做。你明白嗎？”他閉上眼睛嘆息一聲。“有時候，我想現在只有我一個人能理解。”

　　 “我想那是真的，”她同情地說。“無論如何，我會永遠支持你。”

　　 他回頭看著她說：“對我來說，你也是。”

　　 “嗯，我一直在想。”特雷古波娃斷斷續續地稱贊道：“如果你這麼肯定，你為什麼還要為蘇聯服務？為什麼不私有化或股份化？你可以賺很多錢。”

　　 “錢不能使人幸福，”羅曼諾夫說，“只有死人才能幸福。”

　　 “是的。”她嘆了口氣說：“但是值得你冒生命危險嗎？我是說，除了你自己，你並不是在為任何人的利益而工作。\"

　　 “你錯了。”他指著自己的胸膛說：“我為蘇聯工作。”

　　 “如果你這麼想，你就是個傻瓜。”

　　 “也許吧，但我是個愛國者。”他握著她的手說，“我會追求個人享受但不代表會背叛蘇聯人民。而且我愛你的靈魂與肉體。”

　　 她朝他微笑，看著他的眼睛。“我也愛你的靈魂和肉體，”她說。“共產主義只是一個謊言與借口，所以，我希望你像勃列日涅夫那樣掌握權力，而我會幫助你管理具體事務。”

　　 “如你所願，”他說，“但我會成為一個好領袖，為國家，也為你。”

　　 “我也是，”她捏著他的手說。羅曼諾夫盯著她心想，你會是我的季莫申科。

　　 羅曼諾夫執掌蘇聯的頭幾個月出人意料地平靜。與西方的關系緊張，但沒有公開的戰爭。沒必要。

　　 盡管蘇聯的軍費開支很驚人，在1989年戈爾巴喬夫公布蘇聯財政支出時，蘇聯軍事預算為773億盧布，這還是在戈爾巴喬夫大幅削減開支的情況下。而美國國會聯合經濟委員會專家理查德考夫曼說，中央情報局表示，1985年蘇聯的軍費開支在1150億至1250億盧布之間。

　　 如果中情局沒有故意夸大預測的話，這說明蘇聯的軍備完全是戰時國家狀態。而在1989年之前蘇聯宣稱的軍事開支過於低下以至於到了不可信的地步。

　　 只要羅曼諾夫必需先取得蘇聯官僚集團的政治支持。使用權力就會削弱政府權威與公信力，他應當謹慎小心使用權力。而不是像歷史上的戈爾巴喬夫一樣，先在數個月清除了羅曼諾夫的勢力，（歷史上的羅曼諾夫經濟建設很優秀，但對於政治與人脈就一言難盡。在列寧格勒經營十幾年居然沒有綁上同一戰車的忠誠派…更不要說，在1985年3月匈牙利中央會議上酗酒出鏡、以及著名的婚禮流言了。）然後又迅速借助安德羅波夫時期的烏茲別克棉花案件清洗勃列日涅夫家族與烏茲別克蘇維埃，撤職烏斯曼霍亞耶夫並造假丘爾巴諾夫貪汙65萬盧布（實際上不到10萬盧布），讓中亞蘇維埃第一書記退休並任命斯拉夫人擔任來維持統治。

　　 結果，很明顯如果你是蘇聯加盟國第一書記擔任第一書記十幾年被新上台的戈爾巴喬夫強迫退休，繼任者居然還是他任命的斯拉夫人，你會怎麼做？

　　 羅曼諾夫很清楚，煽動地方民族主義以允許種族仇恨引發示威，迫使戈爾巴喬夫任命一名地方官員擔任第一書記。如果存在這種可能性，那麼戈爾巴喬夫肯定會非常不高興。

　　 戈爾巴喬夫是精致的利己主義者。很精明的人都不會解決問題來承擔責任，於是他鎮壓了阿拉木圖事件並把責任推到軍隊身上。向官僚集團制定達不到的指標再清洗他們，煽動加盟國民族主義制造衝突。這樣，他就可以把責任和注意力從自己身上移開。

　　 再通過經濟與政治改革清除反對者，通過親民行為拉攏人心。戈爾巴喬夫上台時的蘇聯聯盟部所有部門領導人幾乎都在1986年左右被撤換，尤其是計劃經濟委員會。

　　 （只要使用權力就會影響到公信力，如果你沒有意志抵抗權力就會墮落。比如卡扎菲、齊奧塞斯庫，卡扎菲與齊奧塞斯庫如果分別在1979年與1974年死去，他們的歷史評價會好的多。遺憾的是，時間與權力讓他們背棄了改善人民生活的初心本意。）

　　 讓我們看一下計劃委員會的任職名單：

　　 國家計劃委員會 Государственная плановая комиссия

　　 姓名\t在職期間上任\t離任

　　 克爾日扎諾夫斯基\t1921年8月13日\t1923年12月11日\t列寧

　　 瞿魯巴\t1923年12月11日\t1925年11月18日

　　 克爾日扎諾夫斯基\t1925年11月18日\t1930年11月10日

　　 古比雪夫\t1930年11月10日\t1934年4月25日

　　 瓦·伊·梅日勞克\t1934年4月25日\t1937年2月25日

　　 根·伊·斯米爾諾夫\t1937年2月25日\t1937年10月17日

　　 瓦·伊·梅日勞克\t1937年10月17日\t1937年12月1日

　　 沃茲涅先斯基\t1938年1月19日\t1941年3月10日

　　 薩布羅夫\t1941年3月10日\t1942年12月8日

　　 沃茲涅先斯基\t1942年12月8日\t1949年3月5日

　　 薩布羅夫\t1949年3月5日\t1953年3月5日

　　 科夏琴科\t1953年3月5日\t1953年6月29日

　　 薩布羅夫\t1953年6月29日\t1955年5月25日

　　 巴伊巴科夫\t1955年5月25日\t1957年5月3日

　　 庫茲明\t1957年5月3日\t1959年3月20日

　　 柯西金\t1959年3月20日\t1960年5月4日

　　 弗·諾維科夫\t1960年5月4日\t1962年7月17日

　　 迪姆希茨\t1962年7月17日\t1962年12月24日

　　 洛馬科\t1962年12月24日\t1965年10月2日

　　 巴伊巴科夫\t1965年10月2日\t1985年10月14日

　　 塔雷津\t1985年10月14日\t1988年2月5日

　　 馬斯柳科夫\t1988年2月5日\t1991年4月1日

　　 我們很容易發現在沃茲涅先斯基被處決與薩布羅夫之後直到1965年，計劃經濟委員會呈現了高度不穩定的撤換。也是在這一時期，蘇聯五年計劃經濟增長率開始緩慢下降。

　　 由於冷戰時期時間跨度四十多年，我們不能用單一時間的經濟來判定蘇聯與美國的競賽。

　　 1975年世界前七國家GDP

　　 美國16,849億

　　 蘇聯6859億

　　 日本5215.42億

　　 德國4906.37億（兩德共同計算）

　　 法國3608.32億

　　 英國2417.57億

　　 意大利2276.96億

　　 1986年世界各國前十五GNP(國民生產總值,美元計)數據

　　 |國家/地區|所在洲|GNP(美元計)|占世界%

　　 全世界||14.0萬億(14,001,469,191,761)

　　 1. |美國|美洲|4.59萬億|32.7688%

　　 2. |日本|亞洲|1.68萬億|12.0217%

　　 3. |蘇聯|亞洲|1.38萬億|9.8%

　　 4. |德國|歐洲|8735.68億|6.2391%

　　 5. |法國|歐洲|6453.4億|4.6091%

　　 6. |英國|歐洲|5795.35億|4.1391%

　　 7. |意大利|歐洲|5307.81億|3.7909%

　　 8. |加拿大|美洲|3801.56億|2.7151%

　　 9. |中國|亞洲|3313.39億|2.3665%

　　 10. |印度|亞洲|2504.06億|1.7884%

　　 11. |巴西|美洲|2489.79億|1.7782%

　　 12. |西班牙|歐洲|2084.44億|1.4887%

　　 13. |澳大利亞|大洋洲|1967.86億|1.4055%

　　 14. |伊朗|亞洲|1772.08億|1.2656%

　　 15. |荷蘭|歐洲|1703.9億|1.2169%

　　 1985年蘇聯的經濟並沒有到全面崩潰的地步，但它的外交環境與商品供應很糟糕。（即使如此，也不會比二十世紀九十年代更糟糕。）直到解體時，蘇聯才掉落為世界第七大經濟體。

　　 在評價蘇聯經濟時，人們總會陷入誤區，將國家視為一個整體甚至人格化。一個國家不同時期與不同政府、階級是完全不同的，國家整體經濟並不能反應單一個體的生活水平。蘇聯不是烏托邦也不是地獄，這就是為什麼它的經濟呈現一種反常的現象。

　　 首先，蘇聯陷入的經濟困境根本原因與石油衝擊（80年代國際油價最低價格與70年代最高價格相近）、糧食進口（蘇聯主要進口的是飼料糧來喂養牛羊等家畜用於食用與生產原材料，比如羊毛用於紡織。）關系不大。

　　 而政治制度與計劃經濟在戈爾巴喬夫政治改革直接廢除蘇維埃共和制度與轉型市場經濟也說明了核心問題並不是。

　　 思考一下，蘇聯經濟從第八個五年計劃後出現停滯的問題？

　　 在分析情況時，必須考慮許多因素。最重要的因素是勞動力的供給和需求。

　　 經濟增長最重要的基本要素是勞動人口與市場（這里的勞動人口不僅指體力勞動者），與社會環境相同，一個國家的經濟環境是適者生存，只有與該國經濟基礎最適應的制度才能存在直到該國經濟基礎產生變化，而不是最超前的制度能存在。

　　 比如說，阿富汗的經濟生產主要由畜牧業為主，農業生產力只是游牧國家的水平。所以在這樣社會下能否建立現代政治制度呢？答案是否定的。要取得進步，就需要一個受過教育、現代和有生產力的勞動人口。這也是為什麼蘇聯與美國在阿富汗注定失敗，因為阿富汗經濟還沒有工業化與成為消費市場的環境。您也可以從供需的角度來看待這個問題。產品的市場可能受到各種社會，政治和經濟因素的影響。很多時候，一個社會會施加壓力，為了改變市場而改變政府。

　　 例如，美國在20世紀90年代對塔利班政權施加壓力，要求其將大麻的生產和銷售合法化。然而，這一嘗試是徒勞的。

　　 消費主義問題也是一個復雜的問題。蘇聯沒有控制足夠的人口與市場，如果勃列日涅夫能投資印度市場的話，印度的價人力資源與政治立場能保證蘇聯經濟的內循環。

　　 毫無疑問，蘇聯有能力成為一個第一世界國家。但由於力量的嚴重錯位，它注定要失敗。

　　 “需要軍工產業的情況下，把一些經濟產業交給東歐國家一體化產業鏈。同時，投貿印度與東南亞。”

　　 \"然而，這些並不是解決我們問題的辦法。我們需要改變我們的經濟結構，以滿足21世紀的需求。我們不能依賴一個落後於時代幾十年的系統。我們需要與全球經濟合作。\"

　　 \"同志，我們需要的是一個現代化的、高效的、能夠保證無產階級的權利和需求的系統。\"

　　 他向後仰放松。

　　 你剛才到底說了什麼？

　　 \"然而，這些並不是解決我們問題的辦法。\"

　　 \"我們需要改變我們的經濟結構，以滿足21世紀的需求。\"他閉上眼睛，只要等待1988年薩達姆入侵科威特引發第三次石油危機，國際油價回升再等到里根下台就可以了。特雷古波娃沉默了。

　　 軍火只要販賣出去，軍閥與戰犯總能得到它；沒有顧客才沒有商人，而不是沒有商人就沒有顧客了。

　　 計劃經濟與市場經濟的競爭只是表面現象，生產力決定生產關系，本質還是生產力的競爭，是市場規模的競爭。華約的人口只有北約的60%左右，華約和北約相互封閉，華約沒有獲勝的希望。華沙條約組織獲勝的唯一途徑是將中國納入其中，而且它有實力這樣做。蘇聯在第一個五年計劃中的投入將中國的工業實力發展到1937年日本的水平，這是日本明治維新70年的結果。但有一個問題是，蘇聯不能容忍中國的崛起對其領袖地位構成威脅。因此，沒有中國的華約陣營無法對抗北約陣營，蘇聯失去了冷戰，於是帶來了市場經濟必須擊敗計劃經濟的說法。

　　 同樣，美日經濟戰打敗日本的根本原因也不是《廣場協議》，因為當時英、法、德也簽署了該協議，但這些國家背後控制著歐盟地區與老殖民地，而日本的人口只有美國的1/3，日本不會贏。

　　 而現實是，冷戰結束三十年後，世界十大互聯網公司也被中國和美國壟斷，原因是其他國家的政治和經濟制度不如中國和美國嗎？不是，但美國控制著世界上絕大多數的英語人口，而中國有14億人口。其他國家的人口和市場是多少？

　　 計算機及相關產品市場由美國、日本和歐盟成員國主導，而中國仍由其主導制造。

　　 然而，在二十世代七十年代美國深陷泥潭，通貨膨脹率高達10%以上，當時的總統卡特沒有解決經濟問題，加上石油危機這給蘇聯高層一種錯誤判斷國際油價將維持高價下去而押注石油美元。結果1981年里根上台，美國經濟因此重新發展起來，盡管他支持的新自由主義經濟有一些隱患，比如美國從最大債權國轉為最大債務國等，但當時他仍然取得了成功。

　　 新自由主義是個好東西，羅曼諾夫雖然不能像撒切爾一樣售賣國家企業與武力鎮壓工人，但有一些方法可以使用，比如對非洲、亞洲國家進行國際投資建立經濟產業，通過國際投資的回報資金來改善本國公民福利待遇。這種方法好處是不需要對國內富人征稅來進行財富再分配導致資本外逃的情況下，也能讓全民享受福利待遇，但問題是技術與工業要領先於被投資的國家，人口也沒有龐大到印度與中國的程度。而且會造成一個國家內階級剝削類似的情況，發達先進的國家繼續發達先進，而貧窮落後的國家淪為原料與廉價資源市場。（廉價資源在有些落後國家里包括了人）

　　 但對於羅曼諾夫而言，必須保證蘇聯人民擁有足夠的消費品與退休後的養老金，剝削外國人總比剝削本國人好？另外要找到把利益分配到讓所有階層都能接受的利益分配方案呢？不能像戈爾巴喬夫一樣把規則都扔了獨占，否則那樣所有人都不遵守游戲規則的時候，羅曼諾夫就可以去見死神了。

　　 他需要捫心自問的問題是，為什麼有些人願意接受一個人口中極少數人能夠積累不相稱的資源份額的制度？

　　 是欲望，它吞噬了理想與真理。

　　 羅曼諾夫嘆了一口氣，重新睜開眼睛盯著特雷古波娃。

　　 “你對擔任我的秘書感覺怎麼樣？”

　　 特雷古波娃向羅曼諾夫眨了眨眼，她的眼睛垂到了他裸露的胸前。她感到困惑，對自己的困惑有點反感。

　　 “我……我不確定。”

　　 他感到失望的把桌上的手套穿上說：“說出你的真實感覺，不要讓我失望。”

　　 特雷古波娃看了一下地板。她感到憤怒、尷尬和渴望交織在一起。她抬頭看著羅曼諾夫說：“我……我想讓你解雇我。”

　　 羅曼諾夫閉上眼睛，一時一言不發。最後，他說：“不。”

　　 特雷古波娃臉色發紅，她說：“我……我想回家。”

　　 “不，猜猜我不解雇你的原因。”羅曼諾夫盯著手套想著事情說，也許逗逗她會更好？

　　 特雷古波娃把目光從羅曼諾夫身上移開，低頭盯著她面前的桌子。她拿起一只手套戴上。

　　 羅曼諾夫堅持自己的立場。

　　 羅曼諾夫說：“你認為你能做什麼？這是浪費時間嗎？”

　　 特雷古波娃盯著她面前的桌子看了幾秒鍾。

　　 “我一文不值。”

　　 “那是真的。”羅曼諾夫說：“你是一個無能的廢物，但我可能仍然需要你。你能理解嗎？\"

　　 特雷古波娃抬起頭說：“不。”

　　 “那麼，你要遵守規則，做得很好。你要照我說的做，毫無怨言。你明白了嗎？”

　　 特雷古波娃再次低頭。她感到臉發紅，拳頭緊握。

　　 “是的。”

　　 “很好。”

　　 “但是……”

　　 “沒有但是。”他強硬地說：“你是誰的寵物？你屬於誰？你的精神被誰管理著？”

　　 “我……我不屬於任何人，也不應該屬於任何人……”她感到臉發紅，拳頭緊握。

　　 “你的思想。誰主宰你的思想？你為誰服務？”

　　 “你。”

　　 羅曼諾夫笑了問：“為什麼你屬於誰？你要贊美誰？”

　　 特雷古波娃抬頭看著他。她感到自己對他怒不可遏，帶著厭惡、困惑和憤怒的混合表情瞪著他。

　　 特雷古波娃把目光移開，有點害怕。

　　 “說吧。”

　　 “說什麼？”

　　 “你為什麼為誰服務？你為什麼在這里？你知道為什麼。說吧，你這個膽小鬼。”

　　 “我……我不知道。”

　　 “別騙我。”

　　 特雷古波娃低頭盯著桌面。她感到眼淚涌上了眼眶。

　　 羅曼諾夫盯著那個女人看了一會兒。他低下頭。他說：“說吧，這是控制的一種方式。只有這樣才能鞏固我們之間的關系。”

　　 “你。”

　　 “為什麼？”

　　 “因為你是我愛的人。”

　　 羅曼諾夫笑了。他又盯著特雷古波娃看了幾秒鍾。最後他說：“我也愛你，過來到我面前深呼吸看著我。我需要你把你奉獻給我，包括你的靈魂。”

　　 特雷古波娃猶豫了一會兒，然後站起來，走向羅曼諾夫。她把手放在他的肩膀上，看著他的眼睛。

　　 “我完全地、不可挽回地把自己獻給你。”

　　 “是的。”

　　 “我是你的。”

　　 羅曼諾夫笑了。

　　 他從抽屜里拿出一把裝了消音器的手槍遞給她說：“對你自己開槍。”

　　 特雷古波娃震驚地睜大了眼睛，盯著槍。

　　 “來吧，開槍打我。”

　　 她盯著槍。她驚慌失措。

　　 “開槍打我。”

　　 特雷古波娃把目光移開。她把手放在槍上，深吸了一口氣。她盯著自己的胸部，緊閉雙眼，扣動了扳機。

　　 咔嗒一聲，槍空了。

　　 特雷古波娃站著，看著羅曼諾夫。他也站著，眼睛睜不開。

　　 特雷古波娃說：“你騙了我。”

　　 “不，我是測試你。你感覺怎麼樣？”羅曼諾夫笑了笑把手槍收到抽屜里問。

　　 “我……我覺得自己被騙了。”

　　 羅曼諾夫笑了。“你在學習，我要你絕對忠誠我。沒有它我不能相信你。我給你第二次機會，你接受嗎？”

　　 特雷古波娃感到她的臉變紅了。

　　 “是的。”

　　 “很好，蘇聯沒有一個婦女聯合組織，我擔心以後會出問題。明年，我打算成立蘇聯婦女組織並讓你擔任第一書記。”

　　 特雷古波娃開始說些什麼，但羅曼諾夫伸出了一只手。

　　 “沒有爭論，我完全知道你不是最有經驗的人，但你很年輕，很渴望，很忠誠。我需要這些品質，而不是經驗。你是我的副手，你會做得很好的，我知道你會的。現在，我讓你去做吧。我給了你第二次機會。我不打算有第三次機會。我明白了嗎？”

　　 特雷古波娃點點頭。

　　 “好。你明白蘇聯婦女聯合組織成立後你需要幫我做什麼呢？”他坐下說：“組織婦女與青少女工作與生活，但最重要的是防止美國組織女權組織與提高出生率。”

　　 “出生率？”

　　 羅曼諾夫解釋說，並想到現實中俄羅斯聯邦部分行政區也降低了結婚年齡的問題。“是的，新生兒數量減少會導致人口老齡化與勞動力減少。我打算延長退休年齡到60歲與降低結婚年齡到16歲。”他想了一會兒，問道：“你覺得怎麼樣？”

　　 特雷古波娃把目光移開，覺得有點不舒服。“好的。”

　　 “很好。”羅曼諾夫給了特雷古波娃一個微笑。“開心點，你能統治蘇聯全國婦女還不高興？要我帶你去打獵或者旅游嗎？”

　　 特雷古波娃也笑了。“沒有。”

　　 “好吧，我會讓你擺脫這種狀況。我會讓你遠程工作，只要你全身心地投入到這項事業中。”他吻了她額頭說：“你想要什麼，我就給你什麼。”

　　 “謝謝你。”

　　 “好吧，我們開始工作吧。”

　　 特雷古波娃跟著羅曼諾夫離開房間時笑了。她沿著格魯吉亞建築的長廊走去。它曾經是富人的家，但現在是一個博物館。掛在牆上的畫大多是活在羅曼諾夫時代的俄羅斯藝術家的作品。

　　 有一幅畫特別吸引了特雷古波娃的注意。這是普辛的一幅畫，畫的是一個被羅馬女神勒死的男人。女神的表情是欣喜若狂。特雷古波娃的眼睛蒙上了一層薄霧，她感到脊梁骨一陣顫抖。她幾乎能感覺到那個羅馬女神在她自己脖子上的呼吸…

　　 “我是你欲望的實現和夢想的化身。”

　　 特雷古波娃轉過身，看到一個小男孩正盯著她。她喘息著。那男孩穿著黑色衣服，腰間系著一條紅色腰帶。他烏黑的頭發和蒼白的皮膚。他的眼睛明亮，像兩塊切割成小面的翡翠。他的面頰紅潤，和她母親長得很像。

　　 “你是誰？你怎麼進來的？”特雷古波娃把手放在槍上問道。

　　 “我是你渴望的人，傻瓜。我來這里是為了擺脫你的阻礙。”

　　 特雷古波娃的手垂到了她的身邊。

　　 “我的……我的什麼？”

　　 “你的……阻礙。”

　　 “我沒有任何阻礙。”

　　 男孩走近了一步。他低頭看著她的槍管說：“你的內心並不沒有這麼想，你在恐懼，恐懼你失去權力與羅曼諾夫、他

　　 與你肚子里的孩子。你想保住你的王位。你沒有理性地思考。把槍放下，我來幫你。”

　　 特雷古波娃扔下了槍。她感到自己被抬離地面幾英寸。

　　 “慢慢地，把手放在我能看見的地方。”

　　 那男孩照她說的做了。

　　 “謝謝你。”他笑了。“我叫亞歷山大，但你可以叫我亞歷克斯。我想給你看些東西。”他伸出手來。“請跟我來。”

　　 特雷古波娃跟著亞歷克斯穿過許多大廳，上下樓梯。他們走了幾個小時，直到亞歷克斯在一扇大門前停了下來。他轉身說：“這是你房間的門，進去吧。”他轉過身，繼續沿著一條長長的走廊走。

　　 特雷古波娃走進房間，看見一個年輕女子躺在床上。她居然和特雷古波娃一模一樣，而羅曼諾夫躺在床上沉睡著。這位年輕女子穿著一件帶紅點的白色連衣裙。她金色的長發垂到膝蓋。女孩睜開眼睛說：“你好。”

　　 “嗨。”

　　 “羅曼諾夫向你致意，並請你向世界其他地方轉達他的問候。”女孩坐起來，下了床。她走過房間。“你可以坐在這兒。我能幫你什麼忙嗎？”

　　 “我是……”特雷古波娃環顧四周。“我不理解這怎麼回事，你是誰？帶我來這里的男孩是怎麼回事？”

　　 女孩笑了。她移動時，白色的連衣裙發出嗖嗖聲。特雷古波娃發現自己被女孩的動作迷住了。特雷古波娃感到一陣平靜。那女孩動作像芭蕾舞演員。

　　 “你在羅曼諾夫的後宮里。沒有‘怎麼回事’，只有羅曼諾夫的意願。”

　　 男孩坐在床上。“我來當你的向導。”

　　 “向導？”特雷古波娃重復了一遍。“做什麼？”

　　 男孩笑了。“到這兒來。”

　　 特雷古波娃笑了。這太奇怪了。男孩牽著她的手走到門口說：“仔細想想，我們要去其他幾扇門了。”他領著特雷古波娃進門，他們又走進了另一扇門。

　　 “歡迎來到你的新生活。”

　　 特雷古波娃的眼睛模糊了。這是她一生中最不可思議的夜晚。她再也想象不出比這更好的了。這就是她想要的一切。一個溫柔的微笑使她的嘴唇增色。

　　 “你想看更多嗎？”男孩亞歷克斯問道。

　　 特雷古波娃點點頭。亞歷克斯打開了門。然後，她一直憋在心里的淚水涌了出來。她任由它們流動，無法阻止它們。它們把她的衣服弄濕了。特雷古波娃不在乎。

　　 她在房間里面看到了什麼？這是她印象中最奢華的房間，房間的地板上鋪著厚厚的紅地毯。天花板上懸掛著一盞吊燈，一根高柱子支撐著吊燈。這盞枝形吊燈是水晶做的，發出白光。一個大理石壁爐靠在遠處的牆上。地幔上雕刻著錯綜復雜的狼雕。牆壁被漆成深玫瑰色。壁爐旁邊坐著兩張舒適的大椅子。椅子之間放著一張桌子，里面放著一大碗水果、一本書和一個插著鮮花的小花瓶。

　　 “這就是我所有的。”男孩亞歷克斯說。“坐下。”男孩指著椅子。

　　 特雷古波娃走到椅子前坐下。亞歷克斯走向水果碗，拿起一個苹果，坐在特雷古波娃對面。

　　 “你可以吃這個。”他說。

　　 特雷古波娃拿著苹果，咬了一口。她的牙齒咬進肉里，汁液噴進嘴里。“我們都到了，現在怎麼辦？”

　　 “我需要知道你從哪里來，你是誰。我需要了解一點你的情況，這樣我們才能互相了解。”

　　 “哦，我明白了。”那個叫亞歷克斯的男孩看著特雷古波娃。男孩說，“你想告訴我什麼都行，我不會評判你的。”

　　 特雷古波娃看著手中的苹果。她挑了挑，仍然不知道該說什麼。

　　 “那麼，你從哪里來？”男孩問。

　　 特雷古波娃又咬了一口苹果說：“我出生在列寧格勒。”

　　 “列寧格勒。”男孩重復了這個名字。“離這里很遠。”

　　 “是的，很長的路。”特雷古波娃說。她停頓了一下。“我小時候來到這個城市。我父親在一家鋼鐵廠工作。他在我五歲時去世。我母親在我十二歲時死於心髒病。”

　　 “對不起。”男孩說。他的臉上絲毫沒有流露出他的感受。特雷古波娃抬頭看著他。男孩說：“我不是。”

　　 “你看起來不太……”特雷古波娃拖著腳步走了。這男孩的臉是她見過的最富於表情的臉。“我想你不是很傷心吧。”

　　 “我不難過。”男孩說。

　　 “但你也不快樂。”

　　 “我不快樂也不悲傷。”男孩交叉雙臂說：“你會怎麼辦？留在這里還是繼續向下一道門走？”

　　 特雷古波娃不知道該說什麼。“我不知道。”

　　 “好吧，你可以和我呆在這里，或者你可以從門進去。這是你的選擇。”

　　 特雷古波娃別無選擇。她不知道怎麼做其他事情。“我去開門。”

　　 “好的，好的選擇，來吧。”他站了起來。

　　 “等等。”特雷古波娃說。“我能問你件事嗎？”

　　 “當然。”男孩坐了下來。

　　 “你是怎麼變得這麼富有的？我是說，這一切……”

　　 “我工作很努力。”男孩說。“但最重要的是，你要擁有一個支持你的上司。”特雷古波娃笑著說：“這是什麼意思？”

　　 那男孩把她看了一眼。“這意味著擁有這所房子的人願意把它賣給你，這樣你就可以擁有它。”特雷古波娃的笑容消失了。她感到雙頰發燙。“你是……一……一……”

　　 “什麼？”男孩問。

　　 “我想不起這個詞了。”特雷古波娃低頭看著她的膝蓋。

　　 “你是奴隸？”

　　 “不。”特雷古波娃抬起頭來。“我不是。”

　　 “是的，你是。”男孩說。“你照我說的做，否則我就鞭打你。”特雷古波娃站了起來。“我不會讓你那樣做的。”

　　 “不管你讓不讓我，這是你的選擇。”

　　 特雷古波娃站了起來。她交叉雙臂。“好的，我會的。”

　　 “你很聰明又怯弱，你得到找到你自己的位置。”男孩走到房間盡頭一篇黑色的門說：“做好心理准備，門後面是你內心不喜歡的事情。”特雷古波娃深吸了一口氣。

　　 男孩轉過身，走向那扇黑色的門。他打開門走了過去。他走了。

　　 [newpage]

　　 Democracy without socialism is only the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, and socialism without democracy is only the dictatorship of the bureaucratic class. But for citizens, even a state dominated by finance capital is better than a state with a bureaucratic capital monopoly, where the former replaces all relations with wealth, while the latter wants to maintain both capital monopoly and power, and is afraid of being seen to do so. Want to eat human flesh and blood and have to sneak around.

　　 ---

　　 ***

　　 April 1986

　　 Tregubova came over to put down the report for Romanov, and he looked up and asked, \"How have you been?\"

　　 \"Fine,\" she said. \"You\u0027re looking very elegant today.\" \"Thank you, I have something very important to deal with today, and I wanted to ask you first.\" Romanov gestured to the chair and said, \"Sit down, I want to ask you what you think of Soviet bureaucrats?\"

　　 \"That\u0027s not a good trait to have.\"

　　 \"I know,\" he said. \"You understand it\u0027s dangerous, and if their people are against us, we could be in danger or even in jail.\"

　　 \"I\u0027m not worried about jail,\" she said, \"I\u0027m worried about you.\"

　　 \"Don\u0027t be,\" he said. \"I have a great deal of freedom.\" Romanov picked up a pen and wrote some names and said, \"I so come to ask you about this matter to get an opinion, I trust you.\"

　　 \"Of course,\" she said. \"It\u0027s not everyday that the boss trusts a subordinate\u0027s opinion.\" She grinned. \"Especially not on something as important as this.\"

　　 \"What do you think of this me?\"

　　 \"You a great leader,\" she said. \"The way you\u0027ve led the country, I have no choice but to respect you.\"

　　 \"Thank you,\" he said. \"And I think you\u0027re great; you\u0027re a real asset.\"

　　 \"This is what I wanted to hear,\" she said.

　　 \"So, let\u0027s talk about ways to get bureaucratic support. I want to bring back the term system for local leaders, but not have the bureaucrats oppose me.\" He pointed to the names. \"These people are all too happy to comply with my edicts, but they\u0027re still going to have to go through the system.\"

　　 \"You could always threaten to expose them,\" Tregubova said.

　　 \"That\u0027s a threat I could definitely make good on,\" he said.

　　 \"That\u0027s one way to go about it,\" she said.

　　 \"I don\u0027t think that\u0027s necessary.\" Romanov closed his eyes and said, \"It would offend them, and they are vindictive. I can negotiate their withdrawal from the body, but guarantee their privileges and treatment and let them appoint a successor.\"

　　 Tregubova said, \"You could also just remove them.\"

　　 \"That\u0027s much riskier,\" he said. \"It\u0027s not just their privileges that I need protected, but also their lives.\"

　　 \"What\u0027s the difference?\"

　　 \"The difference is, if I killed them, then I would have to do it myself. If they\u0027re removed, then they\u0027ll be at the mercy of the system.\" Romanov explained again, \"They are a group of a bunch of connections, one for all the glory and one for all the losses. And replacing them with new people will also oppose us, because the new generation of bureaucrats is more corrupt and ambitious than these old people.\"

　　 \"I can see why you\u0027d think that,\" Tregubova said.

　　 \"Do you see any other way?\"

　　 \"No,\" she said.

　　 \"Then we\u0027ll have to risk offending them.\" Romanov stood up and said, \"I have a meeting, and I\u0027ll be back in an hour.\"

　　 Tregubova said, \"What\u0027s this meeting about?\"

　　 \"The military reform thing, sit here and wait for me.\"

　　 Romanov went out and Tregubova turned to herself and said, \"The way he acts, you\u0027d think he was running a dictatorship, instead of a democracy.\"

　　 \"He\u0027s never going to be a dictator, even if he has all the power,\" said Katarina. \"He\u0027s too principled.\"

　　 \"I still don\u0027t like it,\" she said.

　　 \"Like what?\" asked Katarina.

　　 \"He\u0027s giving too much power to the generals and the bureaucrats, instead of us.\" She sat down next to Katarina and said, \"And I\u0027m tired of being the second fiddle.\"

　　 \"Oh, come on,\" said Katarina, \"We all know that you\u0027re his favorite.\"

　　 \"That\u0027s true,\" she said.

　　 \"If you want to change things, then go talk to him,\" said Katarina. \"He listens to you.\"

　　 She considered and said, \"I think I will.\"

　　 In reality Gorbachev did so, and as a result the young reformists he promoted immediately created new means of corruption based on the enjoyment of the old privileges. Even Gorbachev used the anti-corruption campaign to purge his political opponents while building luxury villas (such as the luxury mansion in the town of Flos on the Crimean peninsula).

　　 Gorbachev, who was conned by the bureaucracy and the aura and privileges of the top Soviet leader, was almost ignorant of the Soviet reality, while the praise of Western leaders and Western media (especially Thatcher and Reagan\u0027s praise and gifts to him) gave him the illusion.

　　 Previous Soviet leaders would not have made this fatal mistake. Even Brezhnev would not have been stupid enough to believe the enemy of the other camp and do what it said, because the enemy wanted him to do so.

　　 And it was a fatal mistake of Gorbachev and the KGB to believe that the Soviet Union could integrate into the European and American dominated political and economic system through reforms (especially political reforms) and to support wishfully the liberals and nationalists of the Eastern European countries and franchises to suppress the Eastern European conservatives and franchisee bureaucracies.

　　 ***

　　 Meanwhile, Romanov walked into the conference room to meet with Nikolai Konstantinovich Baibakov, chairman of the USSR State Economic Planning and Development Committee, and Lev Voronin, deputy chairman of the State Planning Committee.

　　 \"Please have a seat, Comrades,\" said Romanov. \"We\u0027re going to discuss the future of the USSR economy.\"

　　 The two men sat down and Romanov said, \"We\u0027ve already started discussing these issues internally, and came up with a few solutions to our current problems.\" He put a manila folder on the table. \"Please take a look at this. Then we\u0027ll discuss how we should proceed.\"

　　 Baibakov and Voronin read through the documents from the folder, and when they were done, Baibakov said, \"I see that you have a few suggestions for our current problems, Comrade Romanov. Please tell us about them.\"

　　 \"The first and most important thing,\" he began, \"Prices must rise to a reasonable level. The direct consequences of the Soviet intervention in the economy to lock in prices have become apparent, as the nominal price of beef and bread in the state stores is actually cheaper than the raw materials! The cost of locking in prices was that the underground black market had replaced the state stores as the retail market. And the Soviet Union kept raising wages so that the currency was over-issued and there was no industry to protect it as a reservoir.\"

　　 \"In other words, we have inflation,\" said Baibakov.

　　 \"Absolutely,\" said Romanov. \"While prices have been going up, so has the budget deficit. When the currency is over-inflated, prices are actually going up, and the state cannot tax income or goods. When Germany occupied France, the black market became the de facto economy of France, until the government could reestablish control over the economy. The same thing is happening here. The underground black market has become a de facto retail market, and to destroy it would instead create a real black market. Instead, we should gradually raise prices.\"

　　 \"This is also the opinion we support, the problem is that the people have already gotten used to the prices remaining the same, and too much of an increase will cause the people to panic and object.\"

　　 \"That\u0027s why we must use slow, calculated means to bring the prices up in a controlled way. This plan of yours sounds reasonable, but it could backfire. If we go too fast, the people will get upset, and there will be a riot. We need to find a happy medium.\"

　　 \"Well, then, what do you suggest?\"

　　 \"I suggest a 15 percent increase for food and a 10 percent increase for other goods, and a 5 percent increase for both services and the currency. These are reasonable numbers, and will still allow for a more prosperous, albeit a slightly more austere, society.\" said Romanov.

　　 \"It\u0027s too fast, food prices should rise no more than 3% and other commodity prices should not exceed 5%, too fast the people will demonstrate like in the Novochersk incident.\"

　　 \"I\u0027m not arguing for that, but I think we need to be prepared for any possibility. This is a long term project that will take some time, and we cannot be too hasty. We can\u0027t be in too much of a hurry. We should have prices rise 80% in 15 years, 4% to 5% per year. I think that\u0027s reasonable.\"

　　 \"No, too fast. OK, 1% increase in food and 2% in other goods, and a 1% increase in the currency. That will be reasonable. I will take these issues to the Politburo and get their approval for the new policies. It is important that they approve of this course of action, and for that reason, I need your opinions on some other matters. For instance, the United States is currently pursuing a policy that threatens the very existence of the Soviet Union. What are your thoughts on this?\"

　　 \"Our thoughts on the American imperialist aggression are well known. It is for this reason that it is dangerous for Leningrad to open its economy to the outside world.\"

　　 Romanov frowned, sure enough the Planning and Economic Committee would still be unhappy with such measures.

　　 \"However, it seems that some of the ideas being proposed by the Americans are not so bad,\" offered Romanov. \"And we need to trade goods and technology with international markets, but of course, I don\u0027t mean that the Soviet Union needs market-oriented reforms like China and Vietnam. My idea is that the Soviet Union needs a harbor for economic exchange with the outside world and a reservoir for the financial economy to prevent the retail market and manufacturing industry from taking on the excess currency.\"

　　 \"So let me get this straight,\" said Baibakov. \"You want to put the Soviet Union on a trade-correction course, but only to the extent that it does not become too market-oriented. Am I correct in stating so?\"

　　 \"Yes, that is correct,\" said Romanov.

　　 \"Well, I don\u0027t agree with this. This is a very dangerous path you\u0027re proposing to take, comrade. The problem with the Soviet economy is that it is completely integrated with the state, and the state has a tendency to get into unsustainable, or even ruinous, activities. Moreover, the Soviet Union is now the second largest economy with an urban rate of over 70%, not the old Russian Empire with a literacy rate of 28% and a population that was 81% peasant. This is the exact sort of problem that capitalist countries experience when they go down the road of state-sponsored industrialization, and it usually leads to economic catastrophe. In the words of Adam Smith, the problem with a society dependent upon \u0027the intervention of the state\u0027 is that, in the long run, the \u0027\"interference\" of the state never benefits anyone, except the politician who wields the intervention weapon.\u0027\"

　　 \"This is quite a reduction of the capitalist argument for laissez-faire,\" said Romanov. \"I understand that the cost of industrial construction and production in the high latitudes of the Soviet Union is much greater than in the tropical countries. If it were not for our Bolsheviks\u0027 forced industrialization it would have been impossible to produce a whole system of industrial production, and the Soviet market would have been de-industrialized. You and the other comrades of the planned economy can trust that I will stick to the planned economy of the Soviet Union, that the opening of the Baltic economy will only provide a trade outlet, and that the financial economy will not occupy 20% of the Soviet economy.\"

　　 \"Well, yes. I\u0027m sure you will. But please keep in mind, that for the remaining 80% of the country, this will be a very traumatic change. The plans must be prepared to address these issues.\"

　　 \"Of course. The plans will be adjusted accordingly. However, I don\u0027t think a change in the system will be necessary. The current system is flawed, but I believe that it can be corrected using the tools of the Soviet system. Why not cut both?\u0027\u0027

　　 \"Well, the Soviet Union cannot afford to raise the living standards of the working class by increasing military spending. But we\u0027re fine without increasing the military budget, and cutting it would make the military unhappy.\" Romanov responded wearily that military spending simply accounted for a larger portion of the overall economy, and that it could be controlled.

　　 \"Well, I believe it,\" said Baibakov, getting up from the table. \"I believe you, comrade. And I hope you\u0027re right.\"

　　 The two men shook hands, and then Romanov took his leave.

　　 ***

　　 Romanov went back to her office to tell what had happened.

　　 \"I don\u0027t think comrade Baibakov believes that,\" said Tregubova, looking pointedly at Romanov.

　　 \"Soviet bureaucrats are smart and not so smart.\" Romanov took off his gloves and threw them on the table, saying, \"Dealing with them is a thing that can hasten one\u0027s death.\"

　　 \"It\u0027s obvious that he doesn\u0027t,\" she said.

　　 \"It\u0027s not so much that he doesn\u0027t believe it,\" said Romanov, \"It depends on whether this thing will hurt their interests, for example, Marshal Ogarkov\u0027s informational military doctrine everyone knows is correct, but no one supports him still wants him to retire from the body and retire.\"

　　 \"I see what you mean.\"

　　 \"The point is, bureaucracies are like people. You have to keep them happy if you want to keep breathing.\"

　　 \"But they\u0027re not people.\"

　　 Romanov gave a laugh and said, \"That\u0027s very true, the working man is the man, and there exist two Soviet Union. Well, I\u0027m too tired.\"

　　 \"Do you think this\u0027ll be over soon?\" she asked.

　　 \"I hadn\u0027t really thought about it,\" said Romanov, \"There are things I need to do, and there are things no one needs to do. Do you understand?\" He closed his eyes and sighed. \"Sometimes, I think I\u0027m the only one who understands these days.\"

　　 \"I suppose that\u0027s true,\" she said sympathetically. \"No matter what, I will always be there for you.\"

　　 He looked back at her, and said, \"And for me, you.\"

　　 \"Well, I\u0027ve been thinking.\" Tregubova compliments in a staccato manner, \"If you are so sure, why do you still serve the Soviet Union? Why not privatize or demutualize? You could make a lot of money.\"

　　 \"Money doesn\u0027t make a man happy,\" said Romanov, \"Only a dead man can be happy.\"

　　 \"True.\" She sighed and said, \"But is it worth risking your life for? I mean, it\u0027s not like you\u0027re working for the good of anyone but yourself.\"

　　 \"You\u0027re wrong there.\" He pointed to his chest, and said, \"I work for the good of the Soviet Union.\"

　　 \"You\u0027re a fool if you think that.\"

　　 \"Maybe, but I\u0027m a patriot.\" He took her hands in his and said, \"I will pursue personal enjoyment but that doesn\u0027t mean I will betray the Soviet people. And I love your soul and your flesh.\"

　　 She smiled at him and looked into his eyes. \"I love your soul and your flesh too,\" she said. \"Communism is just a lie and an excuse, so I want you to hold power like Brezhnev, and I will help you manage concrete affairs.\"

　　 \"As you wish,\" he said, \"But I will be a good leader, for the nation, and for you.\"

　　 \"And for me,\" she said, squeezing his hand. Romanov stared at her and thought, You\u0027ll be my Timoshenko.

　　 Romanov\u0027s first few months in charge of the Soviet Union were surprisingly quiet. Relations with the West were tense, but there was no open warfare. No need.

　　 Although Soviet military spending was staggering, when Gorbachev announced Soviet fiscal spending in 1989, the Soviet military budget was 77.3 billion rubles, and that was despite Gorbachev\u0027s drastic spending cuts. And in 1985 Richard Kaufman, an expert on the Joint Economic Committee of the U.S. Congress, said that the CIA indicated that Soviet military spending was between 115 billion and 125 billion rubles.

　　 If the CIA did not deliberately exaggerate its projections, this suggests that Soviet armaments were in full wartime state. And prior to 1989 Soviet claims of military spending were so low as to be implausible.

　　 As long as Romanov had to first secure the political support of the Soviet bureaucracy.

　　 If the CIA did not deliberately exaggerate its projections, this suggests that Soviet armaments were in full wartime state. And prior to 1989 Soviet claims of military spending were so low as to be implausible.

　　 As long as Romanov had to first gain the political support of the Soviet bureaucracy. Using power would have weakened government authority and credibility, and he should have used it carefully and cautiously. Instead of clearing out Romanov\u0027s forces in a few months first, as Gorbachev did in history, (the historical Romanov was excellent in economic construction, but for politics and people it was hard to say. It is surprising that there were no loyalists tied to the same chariot in Leningrad for more than a decade of operation...not to mention, the drunken appearance at the Hungarian Central Conference in March 1985, and the famous wedding rumors.) And then quickly used the Uzbek cotton case under Andropov to cleanse the Brezhnev family from the Uzbek Soviet, remove Usmanhoyaev and fake Churbanov\u0027s embezzlement of 650,000 rubles (actually less than 100,000 rubles), and have the First Secretary of the Central Asian Soviet retire and appoint Slavs to maintain rule.

　　 As a result, it is obvious what you would do if you were the first secretary of the Soviet Union to serve as the first secretary for more than ten years and were forced to retire by the new Gorbachev, whose successor was actually appointed by him as a Slav, what would you do?

　　 Romanov is clear that the incitement of local nationalism to allow ethnic hatred triggered demonstrations to force Gorbachev to appoint a local as first secretary. If such a possibility existed, then it was a certainty that Gorbachev would have been very displeased.

　　 Gorbachev is a refined egoist. Very shrewd people do not solve problems to take responsibility, so he suppressed the Almaty incident and put the blame on the army. To set targets for bureaucratic groups that cannot be met and then purge them, and to incite nationalism in the constituent countries to create conflicts. This way, he can shift the blame and the attention away from himself. The opposition was then removed through economic and political reforms, and people were drawn in through pro-people behavior. Almost all the leaders of the Soviet Union ministry when Gorbachev came to power were removed around 1986, especially the Planning and Economic Council.

　　 (Just using power affects credibility, and if you don\u0027t have the will to resist power you will fall. For example, Gaddafi and Ceausescu, Gaddafi and Ceausescu would have had much better historical ratings if they had died in 1979 and 1974, respectively. Unfortunately, time and power made them turn their backs on their original intent to improve the lives of their people.) It is easy to see that after the execution of Voznesensky and Saburov until 1965, the Planning and Economic Committee showed a highly erratic removal. It was also during this period that the economic growth rate of the Soviet five-year plan began to slowly decline.

　　 Since the Cold War period spanned more than forty years, we cannot judge the Soviet-US race in terms of a single time economy.

　　 GDP of the top seven countries in the world in 1975

　　 U.S. 1,684.9 billion

　　 Soviet Union 685.9 billion

　　 Japan 521,542 billion

　　 Germany 4,906.37 billion (calculated jointly by the two Germanies)

　　 France 360.832 billion

　　 United Kingdom 241,757 million

　　 Italy 2276.96 billion

　　 The top 15 GNP (Gross National Product, in US dollars) data of the world in 1986

　　 |country/region|continent|GNP(USD)|% of the world

　　 World||14.0 trillion (14,001,469,191,761)

　　 1. |United States|Americas|4.59 trillion|32.7688%

　　 2. |Japan|Asia|1.68 trillion|12.0217%

　　 3. Soviet Union|Asia|1.38 trillion|9.8%

　　 4. Germany|Europe|873.568 billion|6.2391%

　　 5. France|Europe|645.34 billion|4.6091%

　　 6. UK|Europe|579.535 billion|4.1391%

　　 7. Italy|Europe|530.781 billion|3.7909%

　　 8. Canada|America|3801.56 billion|2.7151%

　　 9. China|Asia|3313.39 billion|2.3665%

　　 10. India|Asia|250.406 billion|1.7884%

　　 11. Brazil|America|248.979 billion|1.7782%

　　 12. Spain|Europe|2084.44 billion|1.4887%

　　 13. Australia|Oceania|1967.86 billion|1.4055%

　　 14. Iran|Asia|1772.08 billion|1.2656%

　　 15. |Netherlands|Europe|1703.09 billion|1.2169%

　　 The Soviet economy was not at the point of total collapse in 1985, but its diplomatic environment and commodity supply was terrible. (Even so, it was no worse than it was in the 1990s.) It was only at the time of its dissolution that the Soviet Union dropped to the seventh largest economy in the world.

　　 When evaluating the Soviet economy, people invariably fall into the misconception that the country is seen as a whole or even personified. Different periods of a country with different governments and classes are completely different, and the overall economy of the country does not reflect the standard of living of a single individual. The Soviet Union was neither a utopia nor a hell, which is why its economy presented an anomaly.

　　 First of all, the root cause of the economic difficulties the Soviet Union was in had little to do with oil shocks (the lowest international oil prices in the 1980s were similar to the highest prices in the 1970s), grain imports (the Soviet Union mainly imported feed grains to feed livestock such as cattle and sheep for food and raw materials for production, such as wool for textiles.) There is little relationship.

　　 And the political system and planned economy in the Gorbachev political reform directly abolished the Soviet republican system and the transition to a market economy also shows that the core problem is not.

　　 Think about the problem of stagnation in the Soviet economy from the eighth five-year plan?

　　 When analyzing the situation, a number of factors must be considered. The most important factor is the supply of and demand for labor. The most important basic elements of economic growth are the working population and the market (here the working population does not only mean manual workers), and the same as the social environment, the economic environment of a country is the survival of the fittest, and only the system that is most compatible with the economic base of the country can exist until a change in the economic base of the country occurs, not the most advanced system can exist.

　　 For example, Afghanistan\u0027s economic production is mainly dominated by livestock, and agricultural productivity is only at the level of nomadic countries. So is it possible to establish a modern political system under such a society?

　　 The answer is no. To progress, it would require a working population that is educated, modern, and productive. This is why the Soviet Union and the United States are doomed to fail in Afghanistan because the Afghan economy has not yet industrialized with the environment to become a consumer market.

　　 You can also look at the matter from a supply and demand perspective. The market for a product can be influenced by a variety of societal, political, and economic factors. Many times, a society will put pressure to change the government in order to change the market. For example, the United States put pressure on the Taliban regime in the 1990s to legalize the production and sale of marijuana. However, the attempt was futile.

　　 The issue of consumerism is also a complicated one. The Soviet Union did not control enough population and markets, and India\u0027s huge low-cost human resources and political stance could have ensured the internal circulation of the Soviet economy if Brezhnev could have invested in the Indian market.

　　 Without a doubt, the Soviet Union had the capacity to be a first world country. But because of a gross misalignment of forces, it was doomed to fail.

　　 Romanov says \"

　　 \"In case of needing military industry, some economic industries are given to the integrated chain of Eastern European countries. At the same time, investment and trade India and Southeast Asia.\"

　　 \"However, these are not the solutions to our problems. We need to change the structure of our economy to meet the demands of the 21st century. We cannot rely on a system that is decades behind the times. We need to work with the global economy.\"

　　 \"What we need, comrade, is a system that is modern, efficient, and is able to guarantee the rights and needs of the proletariat.\"

　　 omanov leans back to relax and falls asleep.

　　 What the hell did you just say?

　　 \"However, these are not the solutions to our problems.\"

　　 \"We need to change the structure of our economy to meet the demands of the 21st century.\" He closed his eyes and just waited until 1988 when Saddam\u0027s invasion of Kuwait triggered the third oil crisis and international oil prices rebounded before waiting for Reagan to step down. Tregubova was silent.

　　 The market for computer and related products is dominated by the United States, Japan, and EU member countries, while China is still dominated by its manufacturing base.

　　 However, in the 1970s the United States was in a deep quagmire, with inflation rates of more than 10%, the failure of then President Jimmy Carter to solve economic problems, and the oil crisis which gave the Soviet top brass a false judgment that international oil prices would remain high and bet on the petrodollar. As a result, Reagan came to power in 1981, and the U.S. economy was thus redeveloped. Although the neoliberal economy he supported had some pitfalls, such as the U.S. turning from the largest creditor to the largest debtor, etc., he was still successful at the time.

　　 Neoliberalism is a good thing, and while Romanoff could not sell off state enterprises with forceful repression of workers like Thatcher, there were methods that could be used, such as international investment in African and Asian countries to build economic industries and improve the welfare of their citizens through the return funds from international investment. The advantage of this method is that it does not require taxation of the rich in the country to redistribute wealth leading to capital flight, but also allows the entire population to enjoy welfare benefits, but the problem is that technology and industry have to be ahead of the countries being invested in, and the population is not as large as India and China. And it will cause a similar situation of class exploitation in a country, the developed and advanced countries continue to develop and advanced, while poor and backward countries are reduced to raw materials and cheap resources market. (Cheap resources include people in some backward countries)

　　 But for Romanov, it is necessary to ensure that the Soviet people have enough consumer goods and retirement pensions, the exploitation of foreigners is better than the exploitation of their own people? In addition to find the distribution of benefits to make all classes can accept the distribution of benefits program? Can not be like Gorbachev threw the rules are exclusive, or then everyone does not comply with the rules of the game when Romanov can go to the death.

　　 The question he needs to ask himself is, why are some people willing to accept a system where a tiny minority of the population is able to amASS a disproportionate share of the resources? It is desire, which swallows up ideals and truth.

　　 Romanov sighed and reopened his eyes to stare at Tregubova.

　　 Romanov says \"How do you feel about being my secretary?\"

　　 Tregubova blinked at Romanov, and her eyes dropped down to his bare chest. She felt confused, and a bit disgusted with herself for being confused.

　　 \"I... I\u0027m not sure.\"

　　 Frustrated, he put the gloves on the table and said, \"Tell me how you really feel and don\u0027t let me down.\"

　　 Tregubova looked at the floor for a second. She felt a mixture of anger, embarrassment, and desire. She looked up at Romanov and said, \"I... I want you to fire me.\"

　　 Romanov closed his eyes and said nothing for a moment. Finally, he said, \"No.\"

　　 Tregubova\u0027s face colored and she said, \"I... I want to go home.\"

　　 \"No, guess the reason I\u0027m not firing you.\" Romanov stared at the glove thinking of things to say, maybe it would be better to tease her?

　　 Tregubova looked away from Romanov and stared down at the table in front of her. She picked up one of the gloves and put it on.

　　 Romanov stood his ground.

　　 Romanov says \"What do you think you\u0027re capable of? Is it a waste of time?\"

　　 Tregubova stared at the table in front of her for a few seconds.

　　 \"I am not worth anything.\"

　　 \"That\u0027s true.\" Romanov said, \"You\u0027re an incompetent piece of shit, but I might still need you. Can you understand that?\"

　　 Tregubova lifted her head and said, \"No.\"

　　 \"So, you\u0027re going to comply with the rules and you\u0027re going to do a good job. You\u0027re going to do as I say without complaint. Am you understood?\"

　　 Tregubova looked down again. She felt her face redden and her fists clench.

　　 \"Yes.\"

　　 \"Good.\"

　　 \"But...\"

　　 \"No buts.\" He said forcefully, \"Whose pet are you? To whom do you belong? By whom is your spirit governed?\"

　　 \"I... I belong to no one and no one is supposed to...\" She felt her face redden and her fists clench.

　　 \"Your mind. Who dominates your thoughts? Who do you serve?\"

　　 \"You.\"

　　 Romanov laughed and asked, \"Why do you belong to whom? Whom do you praise?\"

　　 Tregubova looked up at him. She felt her anger rise up at him, and she glared at him with a mixture of repulsion, confusion, and anger.

　　 Tregubova looked away, a bit frightened.

　　 \"Say it.\"

　　 \"Say what?\"

　　 \"Why do you serve whom? Why are you here? You know why. Say it, you coward.\"

　　 \"I... I don\u0027t know.\"

　　 \"Don\u0027t lie to me.\"

　　 Tregubova stared down at the tabletop. She felt tears well up in her eyes.

　　 Romanov stared at the woman for a moment. He lowered his head. He said, \"Say, this is one way to control. It\u0027s the only way to cement our relationship.\"

　　 \"You.\"

　　 \"Why?\"

　　 \"Because you\u0027re the one I love.\"

　　 Romanov smiled. He stared at Tregubova for a few seconds more. Finally, he said, \"I love you too, come over to me and take a deep breath and look at me. I need you to give yourself to Me, including your soul.\"

　　 Tregubova hesitated for a moment, then she rose and walked over to Romanov. She put her hands on his shoulders and looked into his eyes.

　　 \"I give myself to you, completely and irrevocably.\"

　　 \"Yes.\"

　　 \"I am thine.\"

　　 Romanov smiled. He took a pistol with a silencer out of the drawer and handed it to her, saying, \"Shoot yourself.\"

　　 Tregubova\u0027s eyes widened in shock and she stared at the gun.

　　 \"Go ahead, shoot me.\"

　　 She stared at the gun. Panic seized her.

　　 \"Shoot me.\"

　　 Tregubova looked away. She put a hand on the gun and took a deep breath. She stared down the barrel at her chest and squeezed her eyes shut and pulled the trigger.

　　 There was a click and the gun was empty.

　　 Tregubova stood, and she looked at Romanov. He was standing too, his eyes unblinking.

　　 Tregubova said, \"You tricked me.\"

　　 \"No, I\u0027m testing you. How do you feel?\" Romanov asked with a smile as he received the pistol in his drawer.

　　 \"I... I feel like I\u0027ve been tricked.\"

　　 Romanov laughed. \"You\u0027re learning, I want you to be absolutely loyal to me. I cannot trust you without it. I\u0027m giving you a second chance, do you accept it?\"

　　 Tregubova felt her face redden.

　　 \"Yes.\"

　　 Romanov says \"Very well, there is no united women\u0027s organization in the Soviet Union, and I am afraid that something will go wrong in the future. Next year, I intend to set up a Soviet women\u0027s organization and make you its first secretary.\"

　　 Tregubova started to say something, but Romanov held up a hand.

　　 \"No arguments, I\u0027m fully aware that you\u0027re not the most experienced person, but you are young, you\u0027re eager, and you\u0027re loyal. I need those qualities more than I need experience. You are my second in command, and you are going to do a very good job, I know you will. Now, I\u0027m going to leave you to it. I\u0027ve given you a second chance. I don\u0027t intend to have any third chances. Am I understood?\"

　　 Tregubova nodded.

　　 \"Good. Do you understand what you need to help me do after the United Soviet Women is formed?\" He sat down and said, \"Organize women and young girls to work and live, but most importantly to prevent the United States from organizing feminist organizations and raising the birth rate.\"

　　 \"Birth rate?\"

　　 Romanov explained and thought about the reality that some administrative regions of the Russian Federation have also lowered the age of marriage. \"Yes, the decrease in the number of newborns will lead to the aging of the population with a decrease in the workforce. I intend to extend the retirement age to 60 years with lowering the marriage age to 16 years.\" He thought for a moment and asked, \"How do you feel about this?\"

　　 Tregubova looked away, feeling a bit uncomfortable. \"Fine.\"

　　 \"Good.\" Romanov gave Tregubova a smile. \"Cheer up, you\u0027re still not happy to rule the women of the Soviet Union as a whole? Want me to take you on a hunt or a trip?\"

　　 Tregubova smiled back. \"No.\"

　　 \"All right, I\u0027ll let you off this condition. I\u0027ll let you work remotely, as long as you dedicate yourself to the cause full-time.\" He kissed her forehead and said, \"Whatever you want, I\u0027ll give you.\"

　　 \"Thank you.\"

　　 \"Alright, let\u0027s get down to work.\"

　　 Tregubova smiled as she left the room after Romanov. She walked down the long hallways of the Georgian building. It had once been the home of the wealthy, but now it was a museum. The paintings hung on the walls were mostly by Russian artists who were alive during the time of the Romanovs.

　　 One painting in particular caught Tregubova\u0027s eye. It was a painting by Poussin, and it depicted a man being strangled by a Roman goddess. The goddess\u0027s expression was one of rapture. Tregubova\u0027s eyes misted over and she felt a shiver run down her spine. She could almost feel the breath of that Roman goddess upon her own neck...

　　 \"I am the fulfillment of your desires and the embodiment of your dreams.\"

　　 Tregubova turned around to see a young boy staring at her. She gasped. The boy was dressed in black with a red sash tied around his waist. He had raven black hair and pale skin. His eyes were bright, like two pieces of emerald cut into facets. His cheeks were ruddy, and he bore a strong resemblance to her mother.

　　 \"Who are you? How did you get in here?\" Tregubova demanded with her hand on her gun.

　　 \"I\u0027m a your desires, stupid. I\u0027m here to get rid of your hindrance.\"

　　 Tregubova\u0027s hand dropped to her side.

　　 \"My... my what?\"

　　 \"Your... hindrance.\"

　　 \"I don\u0027t have a hindrance.\"

　　 The boy stepped closer. He looked down the barrel of her gun and said, \"Your heart doesn\u0027t think that way, you\u0027re in fear, fear that you\u0027ll lose your power with Romanov, him

　　 with the child in your womb. You\u0027re trying to save your throne. You\u0027re not thinking rationally. Put that gun down, and I\u0027ll help you.\"

　　 Tregubova dropped the gun. She felt herself being lifted off the ground a few inches.

　　 \"Put your hands where I can see them, slowly.\"

　　 The boy did as she was told.

　　 \"Thank you.\" He smiled. \"My name is Alexander, but you can call me Alex. I\u0027d like to show you something.\" He held his hand out. \"Please, follow me.\"

　　 Tregubova followed Alex through many halls and up and down many flights of stairs. They walked for what felt like hours until Alex stopped in front of a large door. He turned and said, \"This is the door of your chamber. Enter it.\" He turned and continued walking down a long hallway.

　　 Tregubova walked into the room and saw a young woman lying on the bed. She actually looked exactly like Tregubova, and Romanov was lying in bed in a deep sleep. The young woman wore a white dress with red dots. Her long blond hair reached her knees. The girl opened her eyes and said, \"Hello.\"

　　 \"Hi.\"

　　 \"Romanov sends his greetings to you, and asks for you to convey his greetings to the rest of the world.\" The girl sat up and got off the bed. She walked across the room. \"You can sit here. How may I help you?\"

　　 \"I\u0027m...\" Tregubova looked around. \"I don\u0027t understand what\u0027s going on here, who are you? What\u0027s up with the boy who brought me here?\"

　　 The girl laughed. Her white dress swished as she moved. Tregubova found herself mesmerized by the girl\u0027s movements. Tregubova felt a sense of calm come over her. The girl moved like a dancer in a ballet.

　　 \"You\u0027re in the Romanov\u0027s harems. There is no \u0027what\u0027s going on\u0027, there is only Romanov\u0027s will.\"

　　 The boy sat on the bed. \"I\u0027ll be your guide.\"

　　 \"Guide?\" Tregubova repeated. \"To do what?\"

　　 The boy smiled. \"To be here.\"

　　 Tregubova laughed. This was all too strange. The boy took her hand and walked to the door and said, \"Come to think of it, we\u0027re going to a few other doors.\" He led Tregubova through the door, and they walked through another door.

　　 \"Welcome to your new life.\"

　　 Tregubova\u0027s eyes misted over. This was the most incredible night of her life. She could not imagine anything better. This was all she\u0027d ever wanted. A soft smile graced her lips.

　　 \"Do you wish to see more?\" The boy, Alex, asked.

　　 Tregubova nodded. Alex opened the door. Then, the tears she\u0027d been holding in all this time came pouring out. She let them flow and couldn\u0027t stop them. They soaked her dress. Tregubova didn\u0027t care.

　　 What did she see inside the room? It was the most luxurious room she could ever remember, and A thick red carpet covered the floor of the room. A chandelier hung from the ceiling, with a tall pillar holding the chandelier. The chandelier was made of crystal and shone with a white light. A marble fireplace sat against the far wall. The mantle was carved with intricate carvings of wolves. The walls were painted a deep rose-colored color. Two large, comfortable chairs sat next to the fireplace. A table stood between the chairs, holding a large bowl of fruit, a book, and a little vase with fresh flowers.

　　 \"This is all I have.\" The boy, Alex, said. \"Sit down.\" The boy pointed to the chairs.

　　 Tregubova walked over to the chairs and sat down. Alex walked to the bowl of fruit, picked up an apple, and sat across from Tregubova. \"You can eat this.\" He said.

　　 Tregubova took the apple in her hand and bit into it. Her teeth sank into the flesh and juices squirted into her mouth. \"Well, we\u0027re all here. What now?\"

　　 \"I need to know where you\u0027re from and who you are. I need to know a little bit about you, so we can get to know each other.\"

　　 \"Oh, I see.\" The boy, Alex, looked at Tregubova. The boy said, \"You can tell me anything you want. I won\u0027t judge you.\"

　　 Tregubova looked at the apple in her hand. She picked at it, still unsure what to say.

　　 \"Well, where do you come from?\" The boy asked.

　　 Tregubova bit into the apple again and said, \"I was born in Leningrad.\"

　　 \"Leningrad.\" The boy repeated the name. \"That\u0027s a long way from here.\"

　　 \"Yes, a long way.\" Tregubova said. She paused. \"I came to this city when I was little. My father worked in a steel mill. He died when I was five years old. My mother died of a heart defect when I was twelve.\"

　　 \"I\u0027m sorry.\" The boy said. His face revealed nothing of what he felt. Tregubova looked up at him. The boy said, \"I\u0027m not.\"

　　 \"You don\u0027t seem like you\u0027re very...\" Tregubova trailed off. The boy had the most expressive face she\u0027d ever seen. \"You\u0027re not very sad, I guess.\"

　　 \"I\u0027m not sad.\" The boy said.

　　 \"But you\u0027re not happy either.\"

　　 \"I\u0027m not happy or sad.\" The boy crossed his arms and said, \"What would you do? Stay here or go on to the next door?\"

　　 Tregubova didn\u0027t know what to say. \"I don\u0027t know.\"

　　 \"Well, you could stay here with the I, or you could go on through the door. Your choice.\"

　　 Tregubova didn\u0027t have a choice. She didn\u0027t know how to do anything else. \"I\u0027ll go through the door.\"

　　 \"Alright. Good choice. Come on.\" He stood up.

　　 \"Wait.\" Tregubova said. \"Can I ask you something?\"

　　 \"Sure.\" The boy sat down.

　　 \"How did you get so rich? I mean, all of this...\"

　　 \"I worked hard.\" The boy said. \"But the most important thing is that you have a supportive boss.\" Tregubova smiled and said, \"What does that mean?\"

　　 The boy looked her over. \"It means that the person who owns this home is willing to sell it to you so that you can have it.\" Tregubova\u0027s smile faded. She felt her cheeks grow hot. \"You\u0027re a... A... A...\"

　　 \"What?\" The boy asked.

　　 \"I can\u0027t think of the word.\" Tregubova looked down at her lap.

　　 \"You\u0027re a slave?\"

　　 \"No.\" Tregubova looked up. \"I\u0027m not.\"

　　 \"Yes you are.\" The boy said. \"You do as I say or I\u0027ll whip you.\" Tregubova stood up. \"I won\u0027t let you do that.\"

　　 \"It\u0027s your choice whether you let me or not.\"

　　 Tregubova stood up. She crossed her arms. \"Fine. I\u0027ll do it.\"

　　 \"You\u0027re smart and timid, you get to find your own place.\" The boy walked to the end of the room a black door and said, \"Be prepared, behind the door is something you don\u0027t like inside.\" Tregubova took a deep breath.

　　 The boy turned around and walked to the black door. He opened it and walked through. He was gone.