第15章 克里姆林宮:鐵幕 1985第十二章 克里姆林宮一九八六年
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蘇聯沉浸在新的一年到來。
隨著1986年的臨近,全世界的公民都在准備他們的慶祝活動。
新希望,新夢想,新世界。
地球上的國家共同努力創造一個更美好、更和平的世界。
但是,地球上的國家也在為新年的到來做准備。
國際社會正在齊聚一堂,建立一個新的世界秩序。
世界人口約為65億。
每年生產數十億噸糧食。
每年都有數十萬人死於飢餓。
每年,成千上萬的兒童死於母親的懷抱中。
數百萬人生活在赤貧中,每天靠不到一美元生存。
每年,成千上萬的兒童被賣為奴隸。
每年,數以百萬計的婦女和女孩被當作童婚出售。
每年都有數億人被奴役、壓迫和虐待。
同時,人們也在迎來新科技的巨變。第三次科技革命將會把全人類生產力又發展到一個全新高度,盡管只要生產關系不改變…人們依然是奴隸。
資本主義和共產主義是兩種相互競爭的經濟制度。
這兩種制度都聲稱它們是唯一能夠為所有人的福祉提供保障的制度。
問題是,這是一個謊言。
這兩種制度都依賴於人民的壓迫,依靠少數有權勢的人對自然資源的所有權來維持自身的存在。
是時候建立一個新的世界秩序了,一個人們將奮起創造更好生活方式的時代。
只有這樣,未來才是我們的。
新年到來了,特雷古波娃從睡夢中蘇醒,唯一會來見她的人打來了電話。一個男人。他很奇怪。
她在床上坐起來,環顧房間。牆上掛滿了奇怪的符號。她從床上爬起來,走到窗前。
“新年快樂,特雷古波娃。”羅曼諾夫的聲音通過座機電話進入她的耳朵。“你不說點什麼作為回報嗎?”
她凝視著外面。“你真奇怪。首先你問我想要什麼,然後你以為我想要什麼。”
“我畢竟不會讀心,你知道我想要什麼。”
“你知道你有多奇怪嗎?”
她在電話的另一端聽到了他的笑聲。
“你恰恰相反,我喜歡你的陪伴。”
“真奇怪。我也喜歡你的,但我不確定我是否那麼喜歡你。”
“我明白,下次我還會打給你的。我女兒與外孫要過來了。”
“他們就是你訪問的原因嗎?”
“不,我只是在社交。幾周後我會見到他們。我好久沒見到他們了。”他停頓了一下。“明年我也會見到你的。”
“你要帶我去你女兒家嗎?”
她問。
“你願意嗎?”他問。
“不太好,但是如果你想讓我去的話,請……”
“我帶你來。”
她點了點頭,電話掛斷了。
特雷古波娃回到床上。她坐下來,開始思考羅曼諾夫說的話。
她想,“我不知道他是否會帶我去我女兒家。他看起來很奇怪。”
她笑了。“他並不奇怪。他是一個非常聰明的人,也是一個出色的演說家。我聽過他多次講話。”
“但他是個好人嗎?”
“他當然是個好人。他是蘇聯中央委員會的第一書記。他是個政治家,但政治家也是人。”
“我還是不喜歡他。”
“為什麼不呢?他是個好人。他是個革命者。”
“我只是不確定我是否喜歡他。”
特雷古波娃打了個哈欠,躺了下來。她很累。這是漫長的一天。她睡了一整天。晚上,羅曼諾夫來看她。
“給你,特雷古波娃。我給你帶來了一些糕點。”
她抬起頭說:“謝謝,但我不餓。”
他說:“你一整天都在家里睡覺?”
“是的,我一直呆在家里休息。”
“你為什麼睡了一整天?”
“我擔心的時候睡不好。”
“你擔心嗎?”
“是的,我非常擔心。我正在考慮離開組織。我要做我想做的事,而不是為了更大的事業而犧牲自己。我這樣做純粹是出於自私的原因。你不擔心你會失去一個強大的盟友嗎?”
“我一點也不擔心。我准備做需要做的事。如果你要離開,最好快點。”
特雷古波娃嘆了口氣,“我就知道這會發生。當我擔任這個職位時我就知道了。我應該保護你,但如果我死了,我不能這麼做。你必須明白這一點。我有責任。你必須……”
“不,我沒有,”他說:“我不要你的憐憫,也不要你的犧牲。你可以隨心所欲,但如果你能活著,我將不勝感激。”
“我會盡力的。”
羅曼諾夫點點頭坐在床邊上說:“當然,我們年齡差距很大。但是,我希望我們能繼續下去。我習慣你在我身邊。”
“我不想比你老那麼多。如果我們年齡差不多,也許會更好。”
“我想是的。”他笑了。“你到底多大了?”
“六月份我就二十三歲了。”
“哦,我明白了。那是好幾年了。”
“是的……”
“我想躺在你身邊。可以嗎?”羅曼諾夫脫下黑色外套放在床頭櫃上。他躺在床上,握住特雷古波娃的手。她盯著他看。
“我要你躺在我旁邊,特雷古波娃。求你了。”
“是的……好的。”
特雷古波娃閉上眼睛睡著了。她知道她今晚會筋疲力盡。羅曼諾夫可能會熬夜讀書,但他總是尊重她睡眠的需要。
當她醒來時,他不見了。她從床上爬起來尋找他,但他卻無影無蹤。她回到床上,又睡著了。
這是全蘇聯的冬日,與此同時世界形勢依然像所有事物一樣不斷變化。
海地爆發了革命,阿富汗游擊隊與蘇聯軍隊依然在廝殺。
蘇聯和波蘭邊境的緊張局勢加劇。
在波蘭,一個新政府試圖取代蘇聯支持的政府。
在阿富汗,戰斗只會愈演愈烈。
埃塞俄比亞爆發了飢荒。
在中國,政府試圖平息各省的動亂。
在國內,經濟繼續惡化。
至少現在,穿越者羅曼諾夫要享受下家庭時光了。在原本的歷史上,羅曼諾夫被戈爾巴喬夫開除出政治局後就住在大女兒瓦倫蒂娜的家里。
門響了,他的妻子安娜·斯捷潘諾夫娜打開門看到了大女兒瓦倫蒂娜與女婿奧列格·伊萬諾維奇•蓋達諾夫以及小女兒娜塔莉亞。
“爸爸!”瓦倫蒂娜·羅曼諾夫喊道。她跑到父親跟前擁抱他。“一切都很不一樣。”
“那麼你現在是家里的領導了,”她的父親說。
“我想是的。”
“孫子在哪里?”
“安德烈·阿納托利耶維奇·庫拉科夫,過去叫爺爺。”娜塔莉亞抓住14歲的少年說。她把他帶到她父親身邊。“爸爸,這是安德烈。他有點……”
“有點什麼?”
“有點膽大包天。”
羅曼諾夫笑了笑說:“孩子都這樣,都進來坐吧。今天必須留在這里過夜,我很想你們。”
“當然。我們想念你,”瓦倫蒂娜說。“只是這里沒有你有點無聊。”
他們坐了下來。在廚房里,安娜·斯捷潘諾夫娜給他們做了一些食物。
“我也很想你,”她父親對她說。
飯後,他們走進客廳。
“蓋達諾夫,你在烏茲別克的工作怎麼樣?檢察官很辛苦吧?”羅曼諾夫詢問了女婿說,如果他沒有記住的話,歷史上蓋達諾夫之後成為了葉利欽時期一年的俄羅斯代理檢察長之後辭職從商。瓦倫蒂娜在歷史上蘇聯解體後在1992年從事一家銀行委員會主席工作。
“這很難,”蓋達諾夫說。“找人共事越來越難了。形勢越來越緊張。”
“這有什麼原因嗎?”
“有些。分離主義者一直在制造麻煩。他們的聲音越來越大,而且越來越多。警方一直在打擊他們。”
“你的部門怎麼樣?他們還好嗎?”
“這個部門很好,”蓋達諾夫說。“但是,與政府其他部門一樣,我們的資源有點捉襟見肘。”
羅曼諾夫點點頭,他最近忘了中亞五國的分離主義者了。之後,必須讓人清理一下。戰後,蘇聯試圖開發該地區尚未開發的自然資源,如石油、天然氣和煤炭,以彌補幾十年來的忽視。戰後,一股新的民族主義浪潮席卷該地區,但這些項目很快就遭遇了規劃不力和腐敗。前蘇聯國家的新政府幾乎沒有什麼不同,有時甚至比舊政府更糟糕。
羅曼諾夫看著他的女兒們。
“嗯,我們現在有一些家庭時間,對嗎?”
“是的,爸爸,”瓦倫蒂娜說。“我們需要回到現實生活。”
“我懷念我們過去的美好時光,”他說。“我們玩得很開心,不是嗎?”
“哦,是的,爸爸,”娜塔莉亞說。“不知不覺,你就快100歲了。”
“我想我會成功的,”羅曼諾夫說。
也許她們是對的,穿越到62歲的羅曼諾夫如果不准備醫療團隊負責延長壽命的話,那可沒有機會活到更遠的未來。
羅曼諾夫一家將一如既往地生活。
與此同時,海地局勢則繼續發展。
1985年的最後一個月對海地人民來說至關重要,經過前幾個月的蘇聯軍火與古巴士兵的幫助,海地反抗者迅速在解放神學神父的領導下對小杜瓦利埃政權進行了全面攻擊。
在包括暗殺、伏擊和破壞在內的一系列襲擊中,叛軍與政府軍爭奪國家控制權,並迅速陷入全面戰爭。
然而,政府得到了美國和其他西方國家的支持,他們認為推翻該政權是對該地區先前建立的秩序的威脅。“海地人民有戰斗的意志,不會被剝奪。”
在接下來的幾個月里,發生了一系列殘酷的戰斗。這些叛軍沒有蘇聯的技術優勢,無法建立控制。盡管軍事優勢站在他們一邊,但他們無法戰勝得到更好支持的政府。叛軍最終被迫撤退和重新集結,但流血事件仍在繼續。
1986年2月12日,日內瓦簽署了一項和平協議,但戰斗並未停止。
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1986年1月13日
“南也門什麼情況?阿里·納塞爾居然發動流血政變。”蘇聯內務部部長維塔利·瓦西里耶維奇·費多爾丘克把南也門政變情況報告扔在桌上,對此早就知道的羅曼諾夫保持沉默。房間里一片寂靜,除了書頁在翻閱時發出的沙沙聲。最後,羅曼諾夫發言。
“長期會發生的一定會發生,南也門即然會陷入內戰狀態就讓他們自己殘殺吧,讓南也門的蘇聯與古巴駐軍保證我們軍事基地與大使館的安全。”
這份報告是對局勢的簡潔、殘酷和坦率的評估的混合體。
英國人更關心的是南也門從該國其他地區分裂出去的問題,盡管蘇聯人和古巴人都擔心一系列可能導致他們卷入衝突的暴力事件的可能性。
然而,盡管受到英國人的一些刺激,美國仍然對衝突置若罔聞。
目前,反帝國勢力的形勢看起來很嚴峻。
“形勢嚴峻,”羅曼諾夫說。“美國可能會保持官方中立,但倫敦的傀儡政府將利用其所有影響力確保美國不會卷入其中。”
“蘇聯應該參與進來,必要時使用武力,”內務部長建議。
羅曼諾夫考慮了一下,勃列日涅夫時期已經給南也門投入了許多援助,也使南也門社會黨得以施行共產主義福利政策(免費還是免費…)。最終結果只是現在這樣南也門人民不滿、各派系斗爭激烈。
“不,我們不要干預南也門內政。即使他們沒有強力人物能維持現狀的話,我們為什麼要幫助南也門進行表面上的和平?”
“這不是要求,同志。美國對該地區負有責任。我們有很大的影響力,我們可以利用這種影響力來幫助維持和平。我們不能讓與法國結盟和反帝派之間的戰爭由英國或美國贏得,特別是因為主要戰斗人員都在同一個國家。”
羅曼諾夫沉默了一下說:“格里申同志你怎麼看?我們需要干預南也門內戰嗎?”
格里申搓著下巴。“就我個人而言,我不這麼認為。只要蘇聯不直接介入,如果該地區自己解決這個問題,情況可能會更好。我認為蘇聯不應該派遣士兵參加內戰。”
“我同意這一點,至於南也門只要保持蘇聯軍事基地的安全,我們就不要干預南也門。只要防止北也門統一就可以了。”
“這就是我害怕的!”博布科夫說。“從目前的情況來看,阻止北也門和南也門聯盟的唯一辦法似乎是我們這樣做。”
“這就是為什麼我認為我們需要謹慎,考慮所有的因素。我同意格里申同志的觀點,我們不要倉促行事。”
會議又持續了一個小時,英國國防部長邁克爾·曼利就蘇聯干預的性質提出了尖銳的問題。
“你打算長期留在南也門嗎?”他問道。
羅曼諾夫說:“我們計劃留在那里,直到國內局勢正常化。”。
格里辛說:“如果你需要更多的軍隊,我們可以提供。”
曼利考慮了一下,說:“謝謝你,我想我們到此為止。”
會議休會,部長們離開了。
“進展順利,”博布科夫說。“英國人很擔心。他們在南也門甚至沒有一支強大的軍隊,他們也很擔心我們干預也門。也許如果我們給他們一些時間,他們會恢復理智的。”
“也許吧。”
---
第二天,南也門的局勢迅速惡化。
在晚間新聞中,他們報道說,南也門政府已經控制了該機場,並阻止往返該國的航班。他們還宣布總統府遭到了一個支持獨立的派系的襲擊和接管。
夜幕降臨時,第一批炸彈在首都爆炸,第二批炸彈襲擊了其他幾個城市。
亞丁市是主要目標。
晚上9點40分,第一波空襲警報響起。
---
亞丁對這次襲擊完全沒有准備。
反對阿里·納賽爾的各派系迅速引發了南也門內戰,而這個國家卷入衝突只是時間問題。
第一波空襲警報在晚上9點40分響起。
為了安撫民眾,政府廣播了以下消息:
敬亞丁人民!空襲警報只是一個警告。沒有必要恐慌。留在你們的崗位上。政府將為您提供最新的信息。謝謝!
信息結束了,警笛聲沉寂了。
亞丁空襲警報響起,城里的每個防空洞都被填滿了。
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The Soviet Union is immersed in the arrival of a new year.
Citizens all over the planet prepare their celebrations as the year 1986 approaches.
New hopes, new dreams, and a new world.
The planet\u0027s nations work together to create a better and more peaceful world.
But, the planet\u0027s nations are also preparing for the arrival of a new year.
The global community is coming together to create a new world order.
The world\u0027s population is around 6.5 billion people.
Every year, billions of tonnes of food are produced.
Every year, hundreds of thousands of people die of starvation.
Every year, thousands of children die in their mother\u0027s arms from hunger.
Millions of people live in abject poverty, surviving on less than a dollar a day.
Every year, thousands of children are sold into slavery.
Every year, millions of women and girls are sold as child brides.
Every year, hundreds of millions of people are enslaved, oppressed, and abused.
At the same time, people are also ushering in huge changes in new technology. The third technological revolution will take the productivity of all mankind to a whole new level, although as long as the relations of production do not change...people will remain slaves.
Capitalism and communism are two competing economic systems.
Both systems claim that they are the only system that can provide for the well-being of all people.
The problem is, this is a lie.
Both systems rely on the oppression of people, on the ownership of the natural resources by the powerful few, for their own existence.
It\u0027s time for a new world order, a time when people will rise up and create a better way to live.
Only then will the future be ours.
The New Year came, Tregubova woke up from her sleep and the only person who would come to see her called. A man. He was rather strange.
She sat up in bed and looked around the room. The walls were covered with strange symbols. She got out of bed and went to the window.
\"Happy New Year, Tregubova.\" Romanov\u0027s voice entered her ears through the landline phone. \"Won\u0027t you say something in return?\"
She stared outside. \"How strange you are. First you ask me what I want, then you assume I want something.\"
\"I can\u0027t read minds, after all, and you know what I want.\"
\"Do you have any idea how strange you are?\"
She listened to his laughter on the other end of the line.
\"You\u0027re quite the contrary. I enjoy your company.\"
\"How odd. I enjoy yours as well, but I\u0027m not sure I like you all that much.\"
\"I understand, and I\u0027ll call you next time. My daughter and grandson are coming over.\"
\"Are they the reason for your visit?\"
\"No, I\u0027m just being sociable. I\u0027ll see them in a couple of weeks. I haven\u0027t seen them for a long time.\" He paused. \"I\u0027ll see you next year too.\"
\"Are you taking me along to your daughter\u0027s house?\" she asked.
\"Would you like to?\" he asked.
\"Not really, but please, if you want me to go...\"
\"I\u0027ll bring you.\"
She nodded, and the line went dead.
Tregubova went back to bed. She sat down and began to think about what Romanov had said.
She thought, \"I wonder if he\u0027s going to bring me to my daughter\u0027s house. He seems strange.\"
She laughed. \"He\u0027s not strange. He\u0027s a highly intelligent man, and a wonderful speaker. I\u0027ve heard him speak many times.\"
\"But is he a good person?\"
\"Of course he\u0027s a good person. He\u0027s the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union. He\u0027s a politician, but politicians are people too.\"
\"I still don\u0027t like him.\"
\"Why not? He\u0027s a good man. He\u0027s a revolutionary.\"
\"I\u0027m just not sure if I like him.\"
Tregubova yawned, and lay down. She was very tired. It had been a long day. She slept the whole day away. In the evening, Romanov came to see her.
\"Here you are, Tregubova. I brought you some pastries.\"
She looked up, and said, \"Thank you, but I\u0027m not hungry.\"
He said, \"You\u0027ve been sleeping at home all day?\"
\"Yes, I\u0027ve been staying at home to rest.\"
\"Why did you sleep all day?\"
\"I don\u0027t sleep well when I\u0027m worried.\"
\"You\u0027re worried?\"
\"Yes, I\u0027m terribly worried. I\u0027m thinking of leaving the organization. I\u0027m going to do what I want to do, and not sacrifice myself for a greater cause. I\u0027m doing what I\u0027m doing for purely selfish reasons. Are you not worried that you\u0027ll lose a powerful ally?\"
\"I\u0027m not worried in the slightest. I\u0027m prepared to do what needs to be done. If you\u0027re leaving, you best do it quickly.\"
Tregubova sighed. \"I knew this would happen. I knew it when I took this position. I\u0027m supposed to protect you, but I can\u0027t do that if I\u0027m dead. You have to understand that. I have responsibilities. You have to...\"
\"No, I don\u0027t,\" he said. \"I don\u0027t want your pity, and I don\u0027t want your sacrifice. You\u0027re free to do as you wish, but I would appreciate it if you\u0027d stay alive.\"
\"I\u0027ll do my best.\"
Romanov nodded and sat on the edge of the bed and said, \"Of course, we have a big age difference. But I hope we can continue. I\u0027m used to having you by my side.\"
\"I\u0027d rather not be all that much older than you. Maybe it\u0027s better if we\u0027re about the same age.\"
\"I suppose so.\" He laughed. \"How old are you anyway?\"
\"I\u0027ll be twenty-three in June.\"
\"Oh, I see. That\u0027s quite a few years, then.\"
\"Yes...\"
\"I want to lie next to you. Is that okay?\" Romanov took off his black jacket and put it on the bedside table. He lay down on the bed and took Tregubova\u0027s hand. She stared at him.
\"I want you to lie next to me, Tregubova. Please.\"
\"Yes... Okay.\"
Tregubova closed her eyes to sleep. She knew she\u0027d be exhausted for the night. Romanov would probably stay up reading, but he always respected her need for sleep.
When she woke up, he was gone. She got out of bed and looked for him, but he was nowhere to be seen. She went back to bed, and went back to sleep.
It was winter in the whole Soviet Union, while the world situation was still changing like everything else.
Revolution broke out in Haiti, and Afghan guerrillas and Soviet troops were still fighting.
Tensions rose over the border between the Soviet Union and Poland.
In Poland, a new government sought to replace the one the Soviets had supported.
In Afghanistan, fighting only got worse.
In Ethiopia, a famine broke out.
In China, the government sought to put down the unrest in the provinces.
At home, the economy continued to worsen.
At least for now, Romanoff the Traveller is going to enjoy some family time. In the original history, Romanov lived in the house of his eldest daughter Valentina after he was expelled from the Politburo by Gorbachev.
The door rang and his wife Anna Stepanovna opened it to see his eldest daughter Valentina with her son-in-law Oleg Ivanovich Gaidanov and his youngest daughter Natalya.
\"Dad!\" Valentina Romanov cried. She ran up to her father and hugged him. \"Everything is so different.\"
\"So you\u0027re the leader of the family now,\" her father said.
\"I suppose I am.\"
\"Where are the grandchild?\"
\"Andrei Anatolievich Kulakov, go over and call Grandpa.\" Natalya said as she grabbed the 14-year-old. She brought him up to her father. \"Dad, this is Andrei. He\u0027s a bit of a...\"
\"A bit of a what?\"
\"A bit of a daredevil.\"
Romanov smiled and said, \"Children are like that, come in and sit down all together. I must stay here overnight today, I miss you all.\"
\"Of course. We miss you to,\" Valentina said. \"It\u0027s just that it\u0027s a bit boring around here without you.\"
They sat down. In the kitchen, Anna Stepanovna made them some food.
\"I miss you too,\" her father said to her.
After the meal, they went into the living room.
\"Gaidanov, how is your work in Uzbekistan? It was hard for the prosecutor, wasn\u0027t it?\" Romanov asked his son-in-law saying, if he didn\u0027t remember, that historically Gaidanov later became acting Russian prosecutor general for a year under Yeltsin before resigning to go into business. Valentina worked as the chairman of a banking commission in 1992 after the historical collapse of the Soviet Union.
\"It was hard,\" Gaidanov said. \"It\u0027s getting harder to find people to work with. The situation is getting more tense.\"
\"Is there any reason for that?\"
\"Some. The separatists have been stirring up trouble. They\u0027re becoming more vocal and there are more of them. The police have been cracking down on them.\"
\"What about your department? Are they doing okay?\"
\"The department is fine,\" Gaidanov said. \"But, like the rest of the government, our resources are stretched a bit thin.\"
Romanov nodded, he had recently forgotten about the separatists in the five Central Asian countries. After that, it was necessary to have someone clean it up. After the war, the Soviet Union had sought to exploit the region\u0027s untapped natural resources such as oil, gas, and coal in order to make up for decades of neglect. A new wave of nationalism surged through the region after the war, but the projects soon suffered from poor planning and corruption. The new governments of the former Soviet states were little different and sometimes even worse than the old ones.
Romanov looked toward his daughters.
\"Well, we have some family time now, right?\"
\"Yes, Dad,\" Valentina said. \"We need to get back to real life.\"
\"I miss our good old days,\" he said. \"We had some fun, didn\u0027t we?\"
\"Oh, yes, Dad,\" Natalya said. \"Before you know it, you\u0027ll be turning 100.\"
\"I think I\u0027ll make it,\" Romanov said.
Perhaps they are right, crossing to 62 years old Romanov can not have a chance to live farther into the future if they do not prepare a medical team responsible for extending life.
The Romanov family will live as they always have.
Meanwhile, the situation in Haiti continued to evolve.
The last month of 1985 was crucial for the Haitian people, and after the previous months of Soviet arms and Cuban soldiers, the Haitian resistance quickly launched an all-out assault on the Petit Duvalier regime under the leadership of liberation theology priests.
In a series of attacks that included assassinations, ambushes, and sabotage, the rebels battled government troops for control of the country, which quickly descended into all-out war.
The government, however, had the backing of the United States and the other western countries, who saw the ouster of the regime as a threat to the region\u0027s previously established order.
The United States supported the government through financial aid, military advisers, and the supply of weapons. The United States Ambassador to the country, a career diplomat and the brother of the assassinated president, reminded the world that \"the people of Haiti have the will to fight and will not be denied.\"
Over the next few months, a series of brutal battles were fought. The rebels, who did not have the technological advantage of the Soviet Union, failed to establish control. Despite the fact that the military advantage was on their side, they could not overcome the better-supported government. The rebels were eventually forced to retreat and regroup, but the bloodshed continued.
On February 12, 1986, a peace agreement was signed in Geneva, but the fighting did not stop.
------
January 13, 1986.
\"What\u0027s going on in South Yemen? Ali Nasser actually staged a bloody coup.\" Soviet Minister of Internal Affairs Vitaly Vasilyevich Fedorchuk threw the report on the situation of the coup in South Yemen on the table, about which Romanov, who already knew, remained silent. The room was silent apart from the rustling of the pages as they flicked through them. Finally, Romanov spoke.
\"What will happen in the long run will happen, and if South Yemen will be in a state of civil war let them kill themselves and let the Soviet and Cuban garrisons in South Yemen guarantee the security of our military bases and embassies.\"
The report was a mixture of terse, brutal, and frank assessments of the situation. The British were more concerned with the issue of the secession of South Yemen from the rest of the country, although the Soviets and Cubans were both concerned with the potential for a chain of violent events that could draw them into the conflict.
The United States, however, remained aloof from the conflict despite some prodding from the British.
For the moment, the situation looked grim for the anti-Imperial forces.
\"The situation is grim,\" Romanov said. \"The United States will probably remain officially neutral, but the puppet government in London will use all its influence to make sure the United States doesn\u0027t get involved.\"
\"The Soviet Union should get involved, use military force if need be,\" suggested the minister for internal affairs.
Romanov considered that the Brezhnev period had already invested a lot of aid in South Yemen, which also enabled the Socialist Party of South Yemen to implement communist welfare policies (free or free...). The end result is just that now the people of South Yemen are dissatisfied and the factions are fighting fiercely.
\"No, let\u0027s not interfere in the internal affairs of South Yemen. Even if they don\u0027t have powerful figures who can maintain the status quo, why should we help South Yemen make an apparent peace?\"
\"It\u0027s not a request, comrade. The United States has a responsibility to the region. We have a lot of influence, and we can use that influence to help keep the peace. We can\u0027t leave a war between French-aligned and anti-Imperialist factions to be won by the British or the Americans, especially since the main combatants are in the same country.\"
Romanov was silent for a moment and said, \"What do you think, Comrade Grishin? Do we need to intervene in the civil war in South Yemen?\"
Grishin rubbed his chin. \"Personally, I don\u0027t think so. As long as the Soviet Union doesn\u0027t get directly involved, it could be better off if the region sorts this out among themselves. I don\u0027t think the Soviet Union should be sending soldiers to fight in a civil war.\"
\"I agree with that, and as for South Yemen as long as we keep the Soviet military bases secure, we should not intervene in South Yemen. Just prevent the unification of North Yemen.\"
\"This is what I was afraid of!\" said Bobkov. \"The way things are going, it seems the only way to prevent the union of North and South Yemen is for us to do so.\"
\"And that is why I think we need to be cautious, and consider all the factors. I agree with Comrade Grishin. Let\u0027s not be hasty.\"
The meeting continued for another hour, with the British minister for defense Michael Manley asking pointed questions about the nature of the Soviet intervention.
\"Do you plan to remain in South Yemen long term?\" he asked.
\"We plan to remain until the internal situation has been normalized,\" said Romanov.
\"If you need more troops, we could provide them,\" said Grishin.
Manley considered this and said, \"Thank you. I think we\u0027re done here.\"
The meeting was adjourned, and the ministers left.
\"That went well,\" said Bobkov. \"The British are concerned. They don\u0027t even have a strong army in South Yemen, and they\u0027re concerned. Perhaps if we give them some time, they\u0027ll come to their senses.\"
\"Perhaps.\"
---
The next day, the situation in South Yemen deteriorated rapidly.
On the evening news, they reported that the government of South Yemen had taken control of the airport and were preventing flights to and from the nation. They also announced that the presidential building had been attacked and taken over by a pro-independence faction.
As night fell, the first bombs exploded in the capital, and a second wave hit several other cities.
The city of Aden was the primary target.
At 9:40 p.m., the first wave of air raid sirens went off.
---
Aden was completely unprepared for the onslaught.
Factions opposed to Ali Nasser quickly sparked a civil war in south Yemen, and it was only a matter of time before the nation was drawn into the conflict.
The first wave of air raid sirens went off at 9:40 p.m. In a desperate attempt to calm the populace, the government broadcast the following message:
To the people of Aden! The air raid sirens are a warning only. There is no need to panic. Remain at your posts. The government will provide you with the latest information. Thank you.
The message ended, and the sirens went silent.
The Aden air raid alert was called, and every air raid shelter in the city was to be filled.