第10章 克里姆林宮:鐵幕1985 第七章 蘇維埃篇:政治的魅力在於交易、妥協與制衡
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蘇聯政治局會議上
鮑里斯·卡爾洛維奇·普戈對反腐行動作出報告說:“關於全蘇維埃的反腐行動已經逮捕了78582名腐敗分子,其中53639人已被定罪。”
“但該體系仍然缺乏透明度,”他繼續說,“國家機構中仍然存在大量腐敗現象。我們需要進行更徹底的操作來清洗系統。”
羅曼諾夫點點頭說:“嗯,我們會就書面報告進一步討論腐敗問題,我以為通過近半年的反腐運動已經基本清洗了腐敗分子。接下來,政治局應該就黑幫犯罪分子與食物供應問題討論。”
“當然可以,”普戈回答,然後坐了下來。
會議的其余部分主要討論了供應情況。
蘇聯部長會議副主席兼國家計劃委員會主席尼古拉·康斯坦丁諾維奇·巴伊巴科夫拿起報告說:“由於價格政策改為在行政監管下按照定價范圍規定基准價及其浮動幅度,指導經營者制定的價格。今年食物商品基本上漲3%左右,牛肉上漲為2.2盧布1公斤、面包20戈比1公斤、1公斤魚類價格最近為45戈比到5.2盧布不等。至於香腸,熟香腸上漲到2.5盧布1公斤、熏香腸保持5盧布1公斤不變。伏特加從3.62盧布1瓶上漲到5.43盧布1瓶。食品價格上漲是由需求、天氣以及與西方持續的貿易爭端等多種因素共同造成的。”
“這很有趣,”羅曼諾夫回答說,“但我想知道的是,國家正在采取哪些措施確保公眾不會挨餓。”
“嗯,我們有一家國營食品銀行,向需要的人分發口糧,我們將很快建立一個補貼糧食銀行。一旦國家充分發展這一產業,預計基本商品的價格將下降。”
“好吧,這都是好消息,我們必須確保民眾能從商店得到他們想要的一切,我們在運行,但我仍然情不自禁地感到,國家可以采取一些措施來幫助確保公共政策和私營企業同步。”
“你的意思是?”
“你的報告描述了市場對政策變化作出反應的情況。但是,如果政策是自上而下制定的,情況又如何呢?在這種情況下,被扭曲的不是市場,而是市場的結構本身。考慮計劃經濟的情況。我們應該就國營企業管理與監察法討論,恢復食品供應處罰與獎勵機制,對無法保證食物供應充足與健康的部門將先做出警告與處分,之後再出現食物腐爛的情況就革職觀察。對保證食物充分供應的黨委員進行表彰與獎勵、還有晉升機制。換句話說,計劃是由系統需求驅動的,而不是反過來。”
“這是一個有趣的觀點,”普戈回答。
羅曼諾夫點點頭說:“那麼同志們,還有問題嗎?”
吉洪諾夫舉手說:“我們是否能夠進口足夠的糧食來彌補短缺?”
“是的,我們是。正如我早些時候所說,我們將很快啟動一個補貼糧食銀行,以幫助減輕貿易戰的影響。美國的帝國主義者希望制造出我們的經濟危機,它必然會像對付阿連德一樣,先抬高或中斷進口糧食價格與再打擊蘇維埃聯盟外匯收入、拒絕給我們貸款。無論如何,我們決不能向資本主義妥協與退讓!我們必須堅強戰斗,因為我們是蘇聯唯一能夠維護社會主義的力量!\"
“是的,我們必須維護社會主義!”博布科夫說,用拳頭猛擊他的手掌。
“是的,我們決不能讓經濟陷入美國陷阱!我們必須恢復各行業工作紀律與秩序!克格勃與監察部門、宣傳教育部門要全力做到應對新的危機!我們不能繼續使用僵化的宣傳與教育還有強硬的管理方式,我們要適當在不違反社會主義與反蘇維埃的情況下,允許搖滾俱樂部與迪斯科舞廳等。我們要警惕那些享受特權、有名聲但一直對現實體制不滿的知識分子與自由派,不能讓社會主義革命被抹黑。”
“你有什麼建議?”吉洪諾夫問道。
“同志們,我們應該注意到年輕一代的問題。這些年輕人是國家的未來,但是我們在教堂與學校能聽到年輕人在討論什麼?性與娛樂!這是大學都沒有畢業的年輕學生應該關心的嗎?當然,他們很容易被資本主義的文化與娛樂影響。這很正常,年輕人都喜歡開放的游戲與電影作品。但我們需要確保它們不會被用作反社會、革命宣傳的工具。我們決不能讓知識分子影響我們的青年,使他們有危險的政治覺悟。這是一條非常危險的道路!我們決不能允許修正主義者或原教旨主義者在我們的大學扎根。我們必須與媒體對我們年輕人的影響作斗爭!我們必須保護我們年輕人的思想!這不是擺在我們面前的任務嗎?我們最重要的社會角色是什麼?我們唯一的角色?”
“當然可以!”大家齊聲說。
“所以,同志們,”羅曼諾夫說,“我們是否同意這些措施是必要的?我們不應該讓我們的年輕人在政治上覺醒?我們必須打擊媒體的影響?”
“是的,是的,還有更多的事情!”利加切夫喊道。
羅曼諾夫微笑點點頭說:“現在,讓我們來討論一下新的社會主義勞動干部的津貼與退休金問題。”
蘇聯時期工廠主任和地方黨的領導人每月工資在50-60盧布到200-300盧布之間,蘇共區委書記1000盧布,蘇共州委書記與各部門部長2000盧布,政治局委員1500盧布。低收入人群工資90~150盧布,中收入人群工資300盧布。比如,工程師110-130盧布,醫生100-150盧布,護士80-120盧布。除了基本工資,還有住房、食品和私人醫療保險津貼。
然而,應該指出的是,蘇聯為養老金設定了上限,以防止過度支出,但是一线工人與科學家如果得到勛章與表彰能領取補貼的盧布。這造成一個違反人性的現象,一些受過高等教育的蘇聯公民去當一线工人…同時在工資與津貼上,蘇聯最高層政治局干部工資待遇只有低收入人群的10倍,退休後退休金可能跟一线工人退休金一樣。更悲慘的是,由於蘇聯實行社會主義公有制,退休領導人的警衛、汽車、干部別墅以及權力都會被收回。
這在現在的羅曼諾夫看來,簡直是精神病人的制度。不給官僚優厚的待遇,政府爆發危機時候怎麼指望官僚來保衛自己?靠革命理想?
官僚肯定會回答,蘇聯還是和瓦列里·米哈伊洛維奇·薩布林那位理想主義者在一起直到死亡吧。
“增加對社會主義勞動干部的勞動與廉潔津貼獎金,工廠主任和地方黨干部每月在70-100盧布到300-500盧布,蘇共區委書記2000盧布,政治局委員3000盧布,蘇共州委書記與各部門部長3500盧布。同時,退休的蘇聯中央顧問委員會成員保持退休時的待遇。”
“那‘蘇聯勞工’呢?”一個聲音喊道。
羅曼諾夫回答說:“他們將獲得90盧布的‘生活工資’,並享受免費醫療。”
“情況不是已經這樣了嗎?”另一個人問道。
“同志們,這不是討論。這項建議已經向蘇共提出。蘇共將決定是否接受。現在,讓我們回到主要討論。”
“是的,讓我們回到討論,”吉洪諾夫說。
“我們現在還在決定這個問題嗎?成員的投票結果如何?這是由多數票決定的。我們應該……”
“格里戈里·瓦西里耶維奇!”奧爾加·特雷古波娃打斷了他的話。“你完全正確。投票的時候到了。所有贊成這項動議的人,請舉手。”
所有的手都舉了起來。
“贊成者占多數。”
“贊成者占多數,”奧爾加·特雷古波娃說,她點了點頭。投票結果出來了並投下了一致贊成票。提議獲得通過。
“現在我們進入下一個議程項目,那就是……”吉洪諾夫開始說,但羅曼諾夫插嘴了。“還有一件事,現在的酗酒與怠工情況怎麼樣?”
吉洪諾夫沉默了一會兒,然後說:“酗酒情況普遍存在,並伴隨了家庭暴力其他社會問題的發生。怠工現象也很糟糕,許多工人遲到兩小時才上班,除了軍工企業之外勞動生產質量與效率都糟糕。工人事故的數量很高,尤其是與生產性勞動力相比。”
“是的,我們知道,”羅曼諾夫說,“還有別的嗎?”
“沒有別的了。”
蘇維埃聯盟公民長期存在酗酒問題,其至一些家庭夫妻都酗酒…這導致了一些社會矛盾與勞動生產率下降。
柯西金與安德羅波夫都試圖解決這個問題,柯西金將酒類消費品價格提高,而安德羅波夫使用另一種方法,限制工人購買酒類的時間並且推出一種只有3~4盧布的新品種伏特加。
而歷史上的戈爾巴喬夫上台後,選擇了通過名為反酗酒運動的禁酒令來禁止除了醫用酒精等特殊用途之外的酒精使用…這導致了黑市與私酒迅速發展的,這股地下經濟力量在之後與黑幫、政府反對派合作。
真的不明白,為什麼蘇聯領導層總認為遇到問題直接強力禁止就能解決問題了嗎?更不要說,一個政治實體是由不同階級、不同意識形態的人組成的。
這就涉及一個重要因素,最高領導者的指令與經過官僚主義體系執行後的情況並不一致。例如,戈爾巴喬夫的反酗酒運動本意是打擊酗酒,但官僚為了追求政績把中亞的釀酒葡萄園用推土機鏟平了…其他現象也說明人類如果沒有行政機制的監督會做出什麼事情,比如切爾諾貝利核電站爆炸的直接原因。
政府方面的不良信息和糟糕的溝通導致了這個問題。
“我們應該進行禁酒運動嗎?”被羅曼諾夫晉升進入政治局的扎伊科夫試探著問,羅曼諾夫搖頭說:“不,減少酒類生產與銷售會減少國家預算收入,我們從那里填補可能減少的100億盧布預算?預算收支平衡會被打破。”
扎伊科夫問道:“那我們為什麼不增加稅收呢?”
“因為我們希望看到收入流入,而不僅僅是支出。國家不是一家會計事務所。”
“那我們該怎麼辦?”
“清除一切阻礙經濟發展的規章制度。”
“這是不穩定的,”扎伊科夫指出。
“搖擺木馬也是如此。這是我們目前所面臨的問題。我們越快適應它,就越好。”羅曼諾夫放下鋼筆說:“酗酒問題由科索拉波夫同志負責宣傳酗酒案件與增加酒類消費品價格來防止過度飲酒。怠工問題有解決的意見嗎?”
吉洪諾夫舉起手來。“也許,如果我們減少工作時間,增加工資,讓這些工人承擔更大的責任,我們就能提高工作質量,提高生產率。”
“我就是這麼想的,”羅曼諾夫說。“唯一的問題是勞動者現在沒有對財富的物質需求,現在蘇維埃聯盟的經濟福利與勞動政策讓工人們根本不願意勞動,即使他們怠工我們也只能強行讓警察監督工作。”
“你的解決方案是什麼?”扎伊科夫問道。
1982年,勃列日涅夫時代末期蘇聯城市就業人口時間安排是男性平均周勞動時間為44.4小時,按每周5天算,為8.48小時/天(包括加班加點)。女性勞動時間40.5小時,平均8.1小時/天。(蘇聯近2千萬的共產黨員與4千萬共青團團員星期六要進行義務勞動)
勃列日涅夫時期蘇聯人的平均工資為200多盧布,1984年工人家庭收入用於伙食開支為29.6%,農民家庭收入用於伙食開支為33.4%。同一時期,美國中產階級20%左右,西歐20%-25%。(可以查找蘇聯人均肉類消費量與人均奶類和奶制品消費量)
除了全免費教育、醫療、療養、休養、度假、住房價格與物價補貼(蘇聯有一項政策,為其公民提供終身與繼承的租賃公寓。房屋合作社建築的房屋房貸利率為0.5%,期限為25年。居民繳納的房租僅占房屋維修費的1/3,其余由蘇聯國家財政支付),以及接近免費自來水、電力、電話的費用,蘇聯實行8小時工作制與五日工作周制度,除了包括例行休息日和每年35天的帶薪休養與度假之外,蘇聯每年還有8天的節假日。蘇聯職工每年的休息日為130天左右,超過全年的總天數的1/3。(這是由於冷戰思維使美國與蘇聯都陷入了競爭機制,為了證明自己陣營社會制度的優越性與換取民眾政治思想的支持而施行了高經濟福利政策。不同的是,美國可以依靠對全世界四分之三的地區經濟吸血來維持。)
“我們是工人階級的國家,是社會主義公有制國家。我們無法讓人民失業,只能對怠工工人進行罰款與降職再分配工作。而且必須通過技術創新與建立自動化生產线來提高生產力。”
“建立自動化生產线是個好主意,”吉洪諾夫說。“但我們沒有資金用必要的政府資金投資來創建這些項目。”
羅曼諾夫問道:“那為什麼不把目光投向私營部門呢?”
“私營部門是一個腐敗且效率低下的部門,富人和權貴利用工人階級。它幾乎完全由大企業和保護它們的國家管理。我們不能讓他們因這種行為而逍遙法外。必須讓私營部門為集體服務,而不是反過來。”
“私營部門不會允許自己被政府擺布,我們必須只允許在波羅的海三國與列寧格勒經過申請與蘇維埃政府批准成立非實體私營企業。”
扎伊科夫指出:“這需要覆蓋很多領域。”
“沒錯,”羅曼諾夫承認,“我們需要與美國與西歐銀行貸款,但是里根反而要求國際銀行提高了貸款利息,這是美國對智利阿連德政權的重演!里根意圖打擊我們的外匯收入並嘗試消耗我們的國際黃金儲備與提高糧食價格產生糧食短缺危機,我們不應該向帝國主義政府妥協與退讓!但蘇維埃聯盟需要國際銀行貸款與美國主導經濟體系下對蘇聯停止與延長出口的電子設備、計算機和其它高級技術器材,所以我們需要與美國資本企業在金融市場合資。但為了防止資本流出與被掠奪,我們將合資限制在波羅的海三國與列寧格勒地區,並且將波羅的海三國蘇聯建設的電子產業轉移到列寧格勒。”
格里申詢問:“就像百事可樂在蘇聯一樣?”
“正確,”羅曼諾夫回答說:“我們應該整合資源成立各生產聯合企業,同時將允許少數美國企業參與蘇聯特定產品生產銷售並要求它們受到限制與利潤只投入蘇聯市場,經互會的古巴雪茄、蘇聯伏特加等產品與電影等文化產業也可以讓它們銷售到美國市場。”
“這是有道理的,”吉洪諾夫說。“問題是,由於需要與美國和西歐的過剩產能競爭,我們的工業和資源已經被課以重稅(進口關稅)。為了增加收入,我們可以取消一些稅收減免,並增加自然資源進口和銷售的稅收,但這將損害已經陷入困境的經濟。”
“是的,這有點問題,但這是可以糾正的,”羅曼諾夫向他們保證。
扎伊科夫建議:“也許我們應該同時考慮增加收入和削減開支。”
“這是個好主意,但軍費開支不能降低,相反,我們應該將一些軍用工廠轉型生產性輕工業與生產性重工業。這樣,我們既可以增加國民收入,又可以減少用於軍事生產的社會總產值比例,”羅曼諾夫說。
“嗯,我想你是對的,”吉洪諾夫說,“很好,我將和政治局的同事們談談,看看我們能做些什麼。”
“好,好。國家統計委員會今後的MPS物質產品平衡表體系將開始計算社會總產值貨幣價值,以消除幾年前發生的經濟產出損失。這將大大提高我們的社會總產值。訣竅是增加我們的出口以彌補外匯損失,最簡單的方法是創造更多的制造業就業機會。我建議我們開始將一些不那麼重要的產業轉變為更具出口性的產業。有幾個明顯的選擇,比如鋼鐵、煤炭、水泥、化學品,甚至是消費品,但我們應該從資本密集型而不是勞動密集型開始。同志們,你們怎麼看?”
“我認為這是一個非常好的主意,”吉洪諾夫說。“我同意羅曼諾夫同志的看法。”
蘇聯指令型計劃經濟是很特殊的經濟體系,在計劃經濟中無論是消費品、工業產品采用的是統購統銷,每個生產單位所需的物資是以預算形式向統購統銷的國家計劃委員會,以“計劃價格”的形式進行物資采購。社會主義計劃經濟生產的目的是創造勞動價值,與追求利潤的市場經濟完全不同。所以,計劃經濟進行市場化改革會出一種情況,官僚將不再依靠國家預算分配而是將物質與設備以高於計劃價格的市場價格售賣。
同時,計劃經濟下也沒有GDP核算體系。也就是說蘇聯計劃經濟核算社會總產值統計第一產業與第二產業,而不統計第三產業。因此,蘇聯計劃經濟體系並不能用GDP來衡量,也不能發展金融經濟。
蘇聯對外貿易與經濟生產結構是畸形與失衡的,人民所需的高檔食品、輕工業品、消費產品等極大匱乏,這使美國可以宣稱社會主義制度和計劃經濟發展是錯誤的。仿佛這些蘇聯經濟陷入停滯,單純是因為社會主義與計劃經濟所導致的一樣並力圖讓蘇聯人民相信蘇聯擁抱資本主義與市場經濟轉型之後再進入美國經濟體系內會恢復繁榮與經濟高速增長。這是一場政治和宣傳運動,美國從未不利用這場運動。
但是,蘇聯未期經濟增長停滯在2~3%增長率。所以這要全歸於是計劃經濟或者意識形態的問題?難道我們應該忽略蘇聯與美國各自主導的經濟區域集團之間進行的貿易與技術壁壘、失誤的經濟政策和錯誤的國家政策、高緯度地區的糧食產量低與經濟建築、發展成本等因素嗎?
並且如果因為經濟增加停滯與高檔消費品不足就應該在幾年之內放棄運行數十年的經濟體系與摧毀一整套自主獨立的工業體系的話,那麼現在就不可能有任何一個工業國家。
或者問題在於美國對蘇聯的經濟和貿易政策?
不管如何,在資本主義指責社會主義的停滯並忽略拉丁美洲、非洲、東南亞的貧窮家庭痛苦生活時,讓蘇聯數億人口陷入私有化改革並讓無數的人面對失業與微薄的救濟金,盧布兌換美元匯率1997年貶值到5562盧布兌換1美元,無數女孩進行色情產業謀生…許多人成了無家可歸的流民。貧民窟與黑幫漫延全國,治安和行政部門也被腐敗與現實擊敗。
黑幫私刑、毒品泛濫、人口販賣,不能統計的許多年輕女孩們被黑幫與陌生人介紹前往西歐遭到監禁或者殺害。
以下是幾十年來失敗的經濟和社會政策的結果,這些政策只是在冷戰的陰影下發展起來的。國家及其機構是統治階級行使權力的工具,以造福於他們,而不是人民。國家不僅成為壓迫的機構,而且成為壓迫的工具,而不是革命階級的機構,而是反應的工具。不是進步的工具,而是壓迫的工具。
該體系的核心已經腐朽,1989年的革命和20世紀90年代的改革只是加速了腐朽,加深了危機。
一切為了牟利的資本主義限制了發達的生產力對生產關系的改變,並奴役與剝削著全人類。它是一個通過剝奪、壓迫和寄生而積累的體系。
戰後的共識,即資本主義和國家是自然的、永久的和美好的理念,在世界意識到它被欺騙了,只有對經濟和社會秩序進行根本性重組才能將人類從這場危機中拯救出來時,被冷戰的結束所取代。
當社會生產力能夠實現無人自動化生產時,將會出現比資本主義與社會主義更先進的社會形態。那時,資本主義將被滅亡。歷史必須向前發展,人類必須擺脫金融與資本主義的奴役。
終有一天,人類將一定會實現按需分配的社會結構,人類將能夠自由追求與滿足自我實現。
當這一天到來時,革命運動將准備掌權並建立新的世界秩序。
但這不是那天,也不是那個時候。
所有政治局成員離開克里姆林宮14號樓時,羅曼諾夫讓克格勃主席博布科夫與外交部長特羅揚諾夫斯基留下。
“特羅揚諾夫斯基同志,你在中國的訪問結果怎麼樣?”羅曼諾夫放下計算機部門的報告問,他瀏覽了一遍。
“他們打了一場漂亮的仗。不過,他們本可以提供更多幫助。我認為我們必須做出一些讓步,以避免進一步升級。”
“換句話說,沒有戰爭,也沒有變化,”羅曼諾夫說。
特羅揚諾夫斯基搖搖頭說:“不,盡管中國共產黨還在與越南共產黨進行邊境衝突。但是,在鄧小平領導下已經在進行市場化改革。情況很糟糕,治安繼續在惡化。從毛澤東時代進入鄉村的大量人口返回城市,同時開放的文化作品與交際舞舞會也影響了年輕人。中國共產黨現在進行的嚴厲打擊刑事犯罪也造成一些冤案。破壞黨的權威的因素很多。”
“是的,你說得對。我們應該避免作出任何不必要的挑釁。中國共產黨對交際舞舞會的打擊類似我們對搖滾樂的管制?”
特羅揚諾夫斯基微微一笑。“不完全是這樣,但類比是清楚的。”
“中國看來治安會混亂一段時間,他們政治與經濟的改革怎麼樣?”
“很難說,鄧小平好像只想改革停留在經濟層面上,而趙紫陽更注重政治層面上的改革。我認為在這一點上,雙方都在等待時機。”
“等待時機,還是玩游戲?”
“也許兩者都有。你必須意識到,這是非常危險的情況。如果我們不小心,邊境戰爭可能會爆發,造成數百萬人死亡,破壞世界經濟。我們沒有資源來維持這樣一場曠日持久的衝突,我們也不想。重要的是,我們要找到一種維持和平的方法。”
“怎麼做?”羅曼諾夫問道,“不干涉。讓政治領導人來解決這個問題。”
“是的,也許,如果我們不動手,他們會解決的。但是,我們必須考慮到中國政府無法維持社會秩序的事實。它進行的價格改革又造成物價上升幅度較大。這些類型的改革加上正在進行的經濟改革加大了貧富差距。局勢動蕩不安,可能會變得更糟。”
“是的,還有?這就是為什麼我們需要改變政府,而不是現狀。”羅曼諾夫點點頭說:“之後,中國政府放棄計劃經濟肯定會造成除了它維持的國營企業之外的國營企業職工下崗與設備販賣。我們通過走私來獲得這些工業設備。至於,它下崗的職工…好吧,我們就說我們不會招兵買馬。”
“你認為我們應該幫助他們嗎?”特羅揚諾夫斯基問道,聽起來很震驚。
“幫助誰?這是中國政府的內政,而且這還能讓蘇聯人民看到資本主義復辟的下場。我們之後就能發現從中國計劃經濟工廠下崗的職工們會有多少人自殺或者到中國東南沿海成為血汗工廠剝削下的奴隸。毒品與妓院也會重新出現在中國。”
特羅揚諾夫斯基點點頭。“是的,你說得對。我們會讓他們解決問題,或者至少防止他們的經濟崩潰。我們無權干涉,只能看著他們的實驗。”
“好吧,特羅揚諾夫斯基同志你可以走了。好好休息,注意身體。”
特羅揚諾夫斯基站著說:“是的,我會的。謝謝你,同志。”他敬禮後離開了。
“他是個好人,”羅曼諾夫說。“他總是知道如何把黨放在自己的前面。然而,我認為他厭倦了黨的謊言和腐敗。我們需要的是更激進的方法。也許一個分裂的強硬派團體可以發動政變,而我們支持他們?我們需要考慮這一選擇。”
“支持中國共產黨內的強硬派政變?這很難實現。”博布科夫想了想說,羅曼諾夫點點頭說:“我們可以長遠規劃並等待著時機。”
“目前,我們應該避免與中國發生任何不必要的衝突。如果他們學到了一件事,那就是我們不想與他們開戰。我們的經濟利益與他們息息相關。邊界衝突將是相互破壞的。”
“也許是一些貿易優惠?”
“是的,這可能是個好主意。然而,我們不能給他們太多。他們必須了解我們的內部政治。我們不能讓媒體和民眾過於激動,否則他們肯定會要求我們付出更多。他們需要接受我們是一個超越他們瑣碎爭吵的超級大國。”
“嗯,如果赫魯曉夫沒有在蘇共二十大批評斯大林就好了,本來中國共產黨可以在我們的經濟體系中負責農業與輕工業。”羅曼諾夫又在心里詛咒了一下赫魯曉夫。
“一段時間的貿易增長可能是有益的。我們必須謹慎管理媒體以避免恐慌。一些引人注目的叛逃者作為宣傳也會有所幫助。然而,作為一般規則,我們應該避免任何引起我們外交使團注意的事情。偶爾發生幾次小小的邊境衝突可能足以讓每個人都不去想真正的問題。我們不需要另一場革命。中國共產黨完全有能力掌控中國的未來。我們沒有必要干預。”
“你說的對,說到叛逃者我想有沒有可能像古巴那樣把華約與經互會國家的反對派、罪犯、精神病人集中起來讓他們偷渡到西歐?”
“這是可能的。但是,你真的認為這樣做明智嗎?”
“沒有,但我們還有什麼選擇?如果我們什麼都不做,情況只會變得更糟。”羅曼諾夫掐滅煙頭說:“反正,我們的反對派是無論誰執政都要反對。不如,把他們都扔到西德。對了,我們還可以收費幫助中東難民與阿富汗人偷渡到西歐。當然,他們過去之後被怎麼處理就不是我們的事情了。”
“這可能是個好主意。另一方面,如果這些難民和阿富汗人決定推翻法國和德國政府,會發生什麼?”
“一個伊斯蘭化的西歐?我們能想象到這將阻止西歐對東歐的櫥窗式宣傳攻勢。”羅曼諾夫笑了笑又說:“對了,克格勃能不能嘗試制作一些西歐的色情電影與色情小說。”
“我不會感到驚訝。”
“他們可以稱之為紅色電影委員會。”
“當然。”
羅曼諾夫站起來說:“在西歐與東南亞找妓女制造與印刷色情電影、書籍與雜志,走私販賣到歐洲。歐洲的版本在里面增加民族主義與種族主義言論貶低與抹黑移民,蘇聯的流通版本要增加逆向民族主義內容,比如種族歧視的自由主義言論與踩踏、焚燒蘇聯紅旗,推翻列寧像。我們應該組織一個任務,解放媒體和色情電影業。”
“我覺得你有點戲劇性。然而,你在某種程度上是對的。”“現在,時間不早了,所以我最好上床睡覺。晚安,博布科夫。”
“晚安,總書記。”
說完,羅曼諾夫離開了房間。
博布科夫仍在沉思,他坐了一會兒才起身離開。
羅曼諾夫回到克里姆林宮元老院自己的辦公室,特雷古波娃跟隨著他到他的辦公室。
“發生了什麼事?”她問,“你解決了中國人的問題了嗎?”
“是的。”
“你決定了什麼?”她問道,臉上流露出憂慮。
羅曼諾夫坐在辦公椅子上盯著她說:“你問這里做什麼?”
“我想知道你的決定。”
“我還在考慮,你對中華人民共和國怎麼看?”羅曼諾夫閉上眼睛按揉眼睛問,他感覺熬夜已經讓他頭痛與近視了。
“我問你的決定是什麼,因為你是克格勃的頭目,也是一個強大的秘密警察組織的頭目。你可能會獲得公眾無法獲得的信息。如果你不想告訴我,那沒關系。但是,你可以告訴我,因為這關系到蘇聯每個公民的安全。”
“你太不講理了。”
“是嗎?你要我在背叛我的政府和置他人生命於危險之間做出選擇。這是一個相當艱難的選擇。”
羅曼諾夫睜開眼睛說:“坐在我的腿上,我要想一些事情。”
“對不起?”
“我說,坐在我腿上。”
特雷古波娃猶豫了一下,然後照吩咐的做了。羅曼諾夫撫摸著她的長發說:“我們的關系是一體,你應該對我完全順從與忠誠,對嗎?”
“是的,總書記。”
“然而,我是克格勃和蘇聯的首腦。你不會質疑我的決定,不管這些決定看起來多麼不合理。”
“我不是要質疑你的決定,我只是問你的決定是什麼,僅此而已。”
羅曼諾夫點點頭表示同意,然後他又說:“我想要中國成為經互會的農業與輕工業基地,但是它現在親近美國。”
“是的,但美國是一個資本主義國家,幾十年來他們一直在操縱中國。他們利用掠奪性貿易做法,向中國市場傾銷廉價商品。我想把中國從美國市場的觸角中解放出來。”
“你打算如何實現這一目標?”
“通過與他們結盟。如果我們被視為敵人,他們將永遠不會與我們合作。如果我們與他們結盟,美國市場將別無選擇,只能與我們合作。”
羅曼諾夫想了想說:“我會考慮你的建議,你有了操作列寧格勒波羅的海銀行的推薦人選嗎?”
特雷古波娃笑了笑,然後身體前傾,低聲說:“我本人去過列寧格勒,認識經營銀行的人。”
“那麼,我想你是合格的。”
特雷古波娃驕傲地笑了,然後說:“我很想經營這家銀行。”
“是的,”羅曼諾夫說,“我相信你會的。”
“你想讓我什麼時候開始?”
“不,我需要你繼續擔任克里姆林宮秘書處秘書長,我也不希望你離開我身邊。”羅曼諾夫摟著她說。
特雷古波娃笑著說:“我會很榮幸的。”
“我覺得你應該認識懂得金融的共青團女孩,畢竟,共青團與黨校基本都是小資產階級。找到一個來讓她幫我們間接負責列寧格勒銀行。”
“是的,總書記。”
羅曼諾夫笑著說:“當你這麼做的時候,看看這位年輕女士還有什麼天賦。”
“我會盡力的。”
“我知道你會的。”
特雷古波娃微笑著離開了羅曼諾夫的辦公室。
羅曼諾夫盯著她坐過的地方。他站起來走到窗戶前,透過窗戶可以看到克里姆林宮的圍牆。
站在那里,他能更清楚地思考。
他的目光落在他辦公的那座塔上。在遠處,他可以看到他自己辦公室所在的頂層的燈光。
與其說蘇聯解體是被美國擊敗,倒不如說是蘇聯統治階級背叛了蘇聯並吞噬了它使自己可以成為資本家,而這個利益是蘇維埃聯盟這個超級大國的所有國有資產。這個更高的籌碼豐厚利潤到讓所有官僚都倒向它了。
國庫空空如也,國家信用卡也用光了。這個國家的所有財富都集中在少數富有的吸血鬼手中。
東歐與蘇聯那些在紅旗下成長的少先先鋒隊女孩們被欺騙與拐賣以歐元、英鎊、美元而交易到西歐與南歐的地下妓院或者私人所有,有些被警察拯救、有些則永遠從世界上消失了。
當大多數無產階級、農民和中產階級在全球市場動蕩中挨餓掙扎時,俄羅斯的新統治者——後蘇聯的新市場參與者——過著奢侈的生活。
國家控制了幾乎所有的行業和資產,而實際生產任何東西的人所享受的利潤微薄。(普京上台進行了資產階級國有化,現今俄羅斯GDP1.4億多美元其中有5700多億美元為俄羅斯寡頭所有。)
富有的寡頭們掌控著經濟的方方面面,從零售到建築再到采礦。他們什麼都買,試圖壟斷市場,他們做到了。他們用不義之財購買了自然資源。你只要有人脈與財富可以從黑幫那里買到波羅的海三國、俄羅斯或者東歐國家的女人。
盡管,俄羅斯比蘇聯相比盧布貶值、物價飛漲、人口販賣、治安混亂、腐敗到電力部門都勒索錢財。人民失去了房屋、工作分配,但是對新自由主義者來說,他們擺脫了蘇聯的言論管制獲得了自由與民主…
哪怕,葉利欽在寡頭支持下炮擊議會與舞弊選票。對於北約來說,葉利欽的俄羅斯也是民主國家。
這些人只是一場殘酷游戲中的棋子。
[newpage]
At the meeting of the Politburo of the USSR
Boris Karlovich Pugo reported on the anti-corruption operation, saying: \"With regard to the Soviet-wide anti-corruption operation, 78,582 corrupt persons have been arrested, of whom 53,639 have been convicted.\"
\"But the system is still riddled with a lack of transparency,\" he continued, \"There is still a great deal of corruption in state agencies. We need to conduct a much more thorough operation to clean the system.\"
Romanov nodded and said, \"Well, we will discuss further on the written report on corruption, which I thought had been largely cleansed through the anti-corruption campaign of the last six months. Next, the Politburo should discuss on the issue of criminal gangsters and food supply.\"
\"Yes, of course,\" Pugo replied, and took his seat.
The rest of the meeting was mainly taken up by discussions on the supply situation.
Nikolai Konstantinovich Baibakov, deputy chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers and chairman of the State Planning Committee, picked up the report and said, \"As the price policy was changed to a benchmark price and its fluctuation in accordance with the pricing range under administrative supervision, the prices set by the operators were guided. This year food commodities basically rose by about 3%, beef rose to 2.2 rubles a kilo, bread 20 kopecks a kilo, 1 kilo of fish prices recently ranged from 45 kopecks to 5.2 rubles. As for sausages, cooked sausages rose to 2.5 rubles per kilogram, smoked sausages remained unchanged at 5 rubles per kilogram. Vodka rose from 3.62 rubles per bottle to 5.43 rubles per bottle. The rise in food prices was due to a combination of factors including demand, weather, and the ongoing trade dispute with the West.\"
\"That\u0027s interesting,\" Romanov replied, \"But what I would like to know is what the state is doing to ensure that the public does not go hungry.\"
\"Well, we have a state-run foodbank that distributes rations to those in need, and we will soon launch a subsidized grain bank. Once the state fully develops this industry, it is expected that the prices for basic goods will come down.\"
\"Well, that is all good news, We have to make sure that people get everything they want from the stores that we run, but I still cannot help but feel that there is something the state could be doing to help ensure that public policy and private enterprise are in sync.\"
\"Your point being?\"
\"Your report describes a situation where the market is reacting to a change in policy. But what of a situation where the policy is being dictated from the top down? In such a case, it is not the market that is being distorted, it is the very structure of the market. Consider the case of the planned economy. We should discuss the management of state-owned enterprises and the inspection law, and restore the mechanism of punishment and reward for food supply, so that the departments that fail to ensure the adequacy and health of food supply will first be warned and punished, and then dismissed for observation in case of food spoilage. Party members who ensure adequate food supply are recognized and rewarded, and there are mechanisms for promotion. In other words, the plan is driven by the needs of the system, and not the other way around.\"
\"That is an interesting point,\" Pugo replied.
Romanov nodded and said, \"So comrades, any more questions?\"
Ligachev raised his hand and said, \"Are we going to be able to import enough food to make up for the shortfall?\"
\"Yes, we are. As I said earlier, we will soon launch a subsidized grain bank to help mitigate the effects of a trade war. The U.S. imperialists want to create an economic crisis for us, and they will certainly raise or interrupt the prices of imported grain, as they did with Allende, and then hit the foreign exchange earnings of the Soviet Union and refuse to give us loans. In any case, we must not compromise and give in to capitalism! We must stand strong and fight, because we are the only force that can preserve socialism in the Soviet Union!\"
\"Yes, we must preserve socialism!\" Bobkov said, pounding his fist into her palm.
\"Yes, we must not allow the economy to fall into the American trap! We must restore discipline and order in all sectors of work! The KGB, together with the inspectorates and the propaganda and education departments, must do all they can to deal with the new crisis! We cannot continue to use rigid propaganda and education and tough management, we have to allow rock clubs and discos, etc., as appropriate, without violating socialism and anti-Sovietism. We have to be wary of intellectuals and liberals who enjoy privileges and have a reputation but have been dissatisfied with the real system and cannot allow the socialist revolution to be discredited.\"
\"What are you suggesting?\" Tikhonov asked.
\"Comrades, we should be aware of the problems of the younger generation. These young people are the future of the country, but what do we hear young people talking about in churches and schools? Sex and entertainment! Is this something that young students who haven\u0027t even graduated from college should be concerned about? Of course, they are easily influenced by the culture and entertainment of capitalism. This is normal, young people like open games and movies. But we need to ensure that they are not being used as a tool for anti-social, revolutionary propaganda. We must not allow the intellectuals to influence our youth in terms of having a political awakening. That is a very dangerous path to take! We must not allow revisionists or fundamentalists to take root in our universities. We must combat the influence of the media on our youth! We must protect the minds of our young people! Is this not the task before us? Our most important social role? Our only role?\"
\"Yes, of course!\" everyone said in unison.
\"So, comrades,\" Romanov said. \"Are we agreeing that such measures are necessary? That we should not allow for a political awakening among our youth? That we must combat the influence of the media?\"
\"Yes, yes, and more!\" Tikhonov shouted.Romanov smiled and nodded and said, \"Now, let\u0027s discuss the issue of allowances and pensions for the new socialist labor cadres.\"
In the Soviet period factory directors and local party leaders were paid between 50-60 rubles and 200-300 rubles per month, Soviet Communist Party district committee secretaries 1000 rubles, Soviet Communist Party oblast committee secretaries and ministers of departments 2000 rubles, and Politburo members 1500 rubles. The salary of the low-income group is 90-150 rubles, and the middle-income group is 300 rubles. For example, engineers 110-130 rubles, doctors 100-150 rubles, nurses 80-120 rubles. In addition to a basic salary, there are also allowances for housing, food, and private medical insurance.
It should be noted, however, that the Soviet Union set a ceiling on pensions to prevent excessive spending, but front-line workers and scientists received subsidized rubles if they received medals and commendations. This created a phenomenon against human nature, as some highly educated Soviet citizens went to work as front-line workers... At the same time, in terms of salaries and allowances, the top politburo cadres in the Soviet Union received only 10 times the salary of low-income people, and their pensions after retirement could be the same as those of front-line workers. What is even more tragic is that because of the socialist communal system of ownership in the Soviet Union, the guards, cars, cadre dachas, and power of the retired leaders are all taken back.
This seemed to the present-day Romanovs like a system for the mentally ill. Without high treatment for bureaucrats, how could the government expect them to defend itself when a crisis erupted? By revolutionary ideals?
The bureaucrats will surely answer that the Soviet Union is still with Valery Mikhailovich Sabrin that idealist to death.
\"Increase the bonus for labor and integrity allowances for socialist labor cadres, factory directors and local party cadres in the range of 70-100 rubles to 300-500 rubles per month, Soviet district committee secretaries 2,000 rubles, Politburo members 3,000 rubles, and Soviet regional committee secretaries and ministers of departments 3,500 rubles. At the same time, retired members of the Central Advisory Council of the USSR maintain the same benefits as at the time of their retirement.\"
\"And what about the \u0027laborers of the Soviet Union\u0027?\" a voice shouted.
\"They will be paid a \u0027living wage\u0027 of 90 rubles and have free health care,\" Romanov answered.
\"Isn\u0027t that already the case?\" someone else asked.
\"This isn\u0027t a discussion, comrades. The proposal has been made to the CPSU. The CPSU will decide whether to accept it or not. Now, let\u0027s get back to the main discussion.\"
\"Yes, let\u0027s return to the discussion,\" Tikhonov said.
\"Are we still deciding this now? What about the votes of the members? It was decided by a majority vote. We should...\"
\"Grigory Vasilyevich!\" Olga Tregubova interrupted. \"You are absolutely right. The time for a vote has come. All who are in favor of this motion, raise your hands.\"
All hands went up in the air.
\"The ayes have it.\"
\"There was a majority in favor,\" Olga Tregubova said, nodding her head. The votes came in and were cast unanimously in favor. The proposal was adopted.
\"Now we move on to the next item on the agenda, which is ......,\" Tikhonov began, but Romanov interjected. \"One more thing, how is the alcoholism and slacking situation now?\"
Tikhonov was silent for a moment, then he said,\"Alcoholism is widespread and is accompanied by other social problems of domestic violence. Idleness is also bad, with many workers coming to work two hours late, and the quality and efficiency of labor production is poor, except in the military industry. The number of worker accidents is high, especially in comparison with the productive workforce.\"
\"Yes, we know that,\" Romanov said. \"Anything else?\"
\"Nothing else.\"
Citizens of the Soviet Union had a long-standing problem with alcoholism, to the extent that some families had alcoholic couples... This led to a number of social conflicts and a decrease in labor productivity.
Both Kosygin and Andropov tried to solve this problem, Kosygin raised the prices of consumer alcoholic beverages, while Andropov used another method, limiting the time workers could buy alcohol and introducing a new variety of vodka that was only 3-4 rubles.
And historically Gorbachev came to power and chose to ban the use of alcohol except for special purposes such as medical alcohol through a prohibition called the anti-alcohol campaign...which led to the rapid growth of the black market and bootlegging, an underground economic force that later collaborated with the mob and government opposition.
I really don\u0027t understand why the Soviet leadership always thought that a direct and strong prohibition would solve the problem when they encountered it? Not to mention that a political entity is made up of people of different classes and ideologies.
This involves an important factor, the inconsistency of the top leader\u0027s directives after they have been implemented by the bureaucratic system. For example, Gorbachev\u0027s anti-alcohol campaign was meant to combat alcoholism, but bureaucrats bulldozed winemaking vineyards in Central Asia in pursuit of political success...Other phenomena illustrate what humans will do without the oversight of administrative mechanisms, such as the immediate cause of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant explosion.
It was a combination of bad information and poor communication on the part of the government that led to this problem.
\"Should we conduct a prohibition campaign?\" Zaikov, who was promoted to the Politburo by Romanov, asked tentatively, and Romanov shook his head, \"No. Reducing alcohol production and sales would reduce state budget revenues, and from where would we fill the 10 billion ruble budget that might be reduced? The budget balance would be broken.\"
\"Then why don\u0027t we just increase taxes then?\" Zaikov asked.
\"Because we want to see the revenues come in instead of just spending them. The state is not an accounting firm.\"
\"Then what should we do?\"
\"Get rid of all the rules and regulations that hinder economic development.\"
\"What would the state do without rules and regulations?\"
\"We would have to revert back to a system based on contracts and mutual exchanges of goods and services. A system that relies on trust.\"
\"Which is unstable,\" Zaikov pointed out.
\"So is a rocking horse. It\u0027s what we are stuck with for the moment. The sooner we adapt to it, the better.\" Romanov put down his pen and said, \"The problem of alcoholism is in the hands of Comrade Kosolapov to publicize cases of alcoholism and increase the prices of consumer alcohol products to prevent excessive drinking. Any ideas on how to solve the problem of slackness?\"
Tikhonov raised his hand. \"Perhaps, if we reduce working hours, increase salaries, and give greater responsibility to those workers, we can increase the quality of work and increase productivity.\"
\"That\u0027s what I was thinking,\" Romanov said. \"The only problem is that laborers now have no material need for wealth, and the economic welfare and labor policies of the Soviet Union now make workers simply unwilling to work, and even if they slack off we can only force the police to supervise the work.\"
\"What\u0027s your solution?\" Zaikov asked.
\"We are a country of the working class, a socialist communal state. We can\u0027t put people out of work, we can only reassign jobs by fining and demoting workers who are slacking off. And productivity must be increased through technological innovation and the creation of automated production lines.\"
\"The creation of automated production lines is a good idea,\" Tikhonov said. \"But we don\u0027t have the capital to create them with the necessary investment of government funds.\"
\"Then why not look to the private sector?\" Romanov asked.
\"The private sector is a corrupt and inefficient sector where the rich and powerful take advantage of the working class. It\u0027s almost entirely run by big business and the state that protects them. We can\u0027t let them get away with such behavior. The private sector must be made to serve the collective, not the other way around.\"
\"The private sector will not allow itself to be pushed around by the government, and we must only allow the establishment of non-entity private enterprises in the three Baltic states and Leningrad after application and approval by the Soviet government.\"
\"That\u0027s a lot of territory to cover,\" Zaikov pointed out.
\"True,\" Romanov admitted, \"We need loans with American and Western European banks, but Reagan has instead asked international banks to raise interest rates on loans, a repeat of what the U.S. did to the Allende regime in Chile! Reagan intends to hit our foreign exchange earnings and try to deplete our international gold reserves and raise food prices to create a food shortage crisis, we should not compromise and give in to imperialist governments! But the Soviet Union needed international bank loans and the cessation and extension of exports of electronic equipment, computers and other advanced technology to the Soviet Union under the U.S.-dominated economic system, so we needed joint ventures with U.S. capital firms in the financial markets. But in order to prevent capital outflow and plunder, we limit joint ventures to the Baltic States and the Leningrad area, and transfer the Soviet-built electronics industry in the Baltic States to Leningrad.\"
Grishin inquired, \"Just like Pepsi was in the Soviet Union?\"
\"Precisely!\" Romanov said. \"We should consolidate resources to establish various production consortia, while a few U.S. companies will be allowed to participate in the production and sale of specific Soviet products and require that they be restricted and their profits invested only in the Soviet market, and products such as Cuban cigars, Soviet vodka, and cultural industries such as movies from the ECCU can also be allowed to sell to the U.S. market.\"
\"This makes sense,\" Tikhonov said. \"The problem is that our industries and resources are already heavily taxed due to the need to compete against the excess capacity of the U.S. and Western Europe. To raise revenue we can eliminate a few tax deductions and increase taxes on imports and sales of natural resources, but that will harm an already struggling economy.\"
\"Yes, that is a bit of a problem, but it is one that can be rectified,\" Romanov assured them.
\"Perhaps we should look to raise revenue and cut expenses in tandem,\" Zaikov suggested.
\"That would be a good idea, But military spending should not be reduced; instead, we should transform some military factories into productive light industry and productive heavy industry. In this way, we can both increase our national income and reduce the proportion of our GNP spent on military production,\" Romanov said.
\"Hmm, I guess you\u0027re right,\" Tikhonov said. \"Very well, I will speak to my colleagues of the Politburo to see what we can do.\"
\"Good, good. The future MPS material goods balance sheet system of the National Statistical Committee is going to start counting GNP monetary values that are going to get rid of the loss of economic output that occurred several years ago. This will create a substantial increase in our GNP. The trick will be to increase our exports to compensate for the loss of foreign exchange, and the easiest way is to create more manufacturing jobs. I suggest that we begin the process of transforming some of our less essential industries into industries that can be more exportable. There are several obvious choices such as steel, coal, cement, chemicals, and even consumer goods, but we should begin with something that is more capital intensive than labor intensive. What do you think, comrades?\"
\"I think this is a very good idea,\" Tikhonov said. \"I agree with Comrade Romanov on this.\"
\"I agree as well,\" Grishin said.
\"Great,\" Tikhonov said, and began to leave. \"Tomorrow, we\u0027ll speak again.\"
The Soviet command economy was a very special economic system, in which consumer goods and industrial products were purchased and sold under a centralized system, and the materials needed by each production unit were purchased from the State Planning Committee in the form of a budget and at a \"planned price\". The purpose of production in a socialist planned economy is to create labor value, which is completely different from the profit-seeking market economy. Therefore, a market-oriented reform of the planned economy would result in a situation in which bureaucrats would no longer rely on the state budget for distribution but would sell materials and equipment at market prices higher than the planned prices.
At the same time, there was no GDP accounting system in the planned economy. That is, the Soviet planned economy accounted for GNP in the primary and secondary sectors, but not in the tertiary sector. Therefore, the Soviet planned economy system did not allow for the measurement of GDP and the development of a financial economy.
The structure of foreign trade and economic production in the Soviet Union was deformed and unbalanced, and there was a great lack of high-grade food, light industrial goods, and consumer products needed by the people, which allowed the United States to claim that the socialist system and planned economic development were wrong. It was as if the Soviet economy had stagnated simply because of the socialist and planned economy and sought to convince the Soviet people that the Soviet Union would return to prosperity and high economic growth after embracing capitalism and market economy and then entering the U.S. economic system. It was a political and propaganda campaign, in which the U.S. never failed to take advantage.
However, the economic growth of the Soviet Union stagnated at 2-3% growth rate in the unspecified period. So this is to be attributed all to a planned economy or ideology? Should we ignore the trade and technical barriers between the Soviet Union and the respective economic regional blocs dominated by the United States, the misguided economic policies and wrong state policies, the low food production in high latitudes and economic construction, the cost of development, etc.?
And if the economic system, which has been operating for decades, should be abandoned in a few years and a whole independent industrial system destroyed because of the stagnation of economic growth and shortage of high-class consumer goods, then there would not be any industrial country now.
Or maybe the problem is the way the U.S. has been conducting its economic and trade policy towards the Soviet Union?
In any case, while capitalism refers to the stagnation of socialism and ignores the miserable lives of poor families in Latin America, Africa and Southeast Asia, leaving hundreds of millions of people in the Soviet Union to privatize reforms and leaving countless people facing unemployment and meager benefits, the ruble to dollar exchange rate devalued to 5,562 rubles to the dollar in 1997, countless girls working in the sex industry to earn a living...many Many people became homeless. Slums and gangs spread throughout the country, and the security and administrative services were defeated by corruption and reality.
Gang lynchings, drug abuse, human trafficking, and the uncountable number of young girls who were introduced by gangs and strangers to Western Europe and imprisoned or killed.
The following are the results of decades of failed economic and social policies that only grew in the shadow of the Cold War. The state and it\u0027s organs were instruments for the ruling class to wield power in a way that benefited them, not the people. The state became not just the institution of oppression, but also a tool for oppression, and not an institution of the revolutionary class, but a tool of reaction. Not a tool for progress, but a tool for oppression.
The system was rotten to the core, and the revolutions of 1989 and the reforms of the 1990s merely served to speed the rot and deepen the crisis.
Capitalism, which is all about profit, limits the change of relations of production by the developed productive forces and enslaves and exploits all mankind. It is a system of accumulation by dispossession, oppression, and parasitism.
The post-war consensus, the idea that capitalism and the state are natural, permanent, and good, gave way to the end of the Cold War as the world realized that it had been deceived and that only a fundamental reorganization of the economic and social order can save humanity from this crisis.
When social productivity can achieve unmanned automated production, there will be a more advanced form of society than capitalism and socialism. At that time, capitalism will be extinguished. History must move forward and mankind must be free from the slavery of finance and capitalism.
One day, mankind will definitely realize a social structure based on demand, and mankind will be free to pursue and satisfy self-fulfillment.
When that day arrives, the revolutionary movement will be ready to take power and establish a new world order.
But this is not that day, this is not that time.
When all Politburo members left Kremlin Building 14, Romanov asked KGB Chairman Bobkov to stay with Foreign Minister Troyanovsky.
\"Comrade Troyanovsky, how did your visit in China turn out?\" Romanov asked, putting down the computer department\u0027s report, which he skimmed through.
\"They put up a good fight. They could\u0027ve been more helpful though. I think we\u0027ll have to make some concession to avoid any further escalation.\"
\"In other words, no war, and no change,\" Romanov said.
Troyanovsky shook his head and said, \"No, although the Chinese Communist Party is still engaged in a border conflict with the Vietnamese Communist Party. However, market-oriented reforms are already underway under Deng Xiaoping\u0027s leadership. The situation is bad, and security continues to deteriorate. Large numbers of people who had entered the countryside from the Maoist era returned to the cities, while open cultural productions and social dance parties influenced the youth. The Communist Party\u0027s current crackdown on criminality has also resulted in a number of wrongful convictions. There are many factors that have undermined the party\u0027s authority.\"
\"Yes, you\u0027re right. We should avoid making any unnecessary provocations. The Chinese Communist Party\u0027s crackdown on ballroom dancing is similar to our regulation of rock and roll?\"
Troyanovsky smiled weakly. \"Not exactly, but the analogy is clear.\"
\"China looks like law and order will be chaotic for a while, what about their political and economic reforms?\"
\"It\u0027s hard to say, Deng Xiaoping seems to want the reforms to stay on the economic level, while Zhao Ziyang is more focused on the political level. I think at this point, both sides are biding their time.\"
\"Biding their time, or playing a game?\"
\"Perhaps both. You must realize this, this is very dangerous situation. If we\u0027re not careful, a border war could start that could cause millions of deaths and destroy the world economy. We don\u0027t have the resources to sustain such a protracted conflict, nor do we want to. It\u0027s important that we find a way to keep the peace.\"
\"How?\" Romanov asked, \"By not interfering. By letting the political leaders figure this out.\"
\"Yes, perhaps, if we stay hands off, they\u0027ll work it out. However, we have to consider the fact the Chinese government has been unable to maintain social order. The price reforms it carried out in turn caused a large increase in prices. These types of reforms coupled with the ongoing economic reforms have increased the gap between rich and poor. The situation is volatile and could get worse.\"
\"Yeah, and? This is why we need a change in government, not the status quo.\" Romanov nodded and said, \"After that, the Chinese government\u0027s abandonment of the planned economy will certainly result in layoffs and equipment trafficking for workers in state-run enterprises other than those it maintains. We obtain this industrial equipment through smuggling. As for, the workers it laid off... Well, let\u0027s just say we won\u0027t be recruiting.\"
\"...You think that we should help them?\" Troyanovsky asked, sounding shocked.
\"Help who? This is an internal matter for the Chinese government, and it will also show the Soviet people what happens when capitalism is restored. We will later be able to find out how many workers laid off from China\u0027s planned economy factories will commit suicide or go to China\u0027s southeastern coast to become slaves under sweatshop exploitation. Drugs and brothels will also reappear in China.\"
Troyanovsky nodded. \"Yes, you\u0027re right. We\u0027ll let them figure it out, or at least keep their economy from collapsing. It\u0027s not our place to interfere, only to watch their experiment.\"
\"Well, Comrade Troyanovsky you can go now. Get some rest and take care of your health.\"
Troyanovsky stood, and said, \"Yes, I will. Thank you, Comrade.\" He saluted and left.
\"He was a good man,\" Romanov said. \"He always knew how to put his Party before himself. However, I think he was tired of the Party\u0027s lies and corruption. What we need is a more radical approach. Perhaps a splinter group of hardliners could stage a coup, while we support them? We need to consider this option.\"
\"Supporting a coup by hardliners within the Chinese Communist Party? That\u0027s hard to achieve.\" Bobkov said thoughtfully, and Romanov nodded and said, \"We can plan for the long term and bide our time.\"
\"For now, we should avoid any unnecessary conflict with China. If they have learned one thing, it\u0027s that we don\u0027t want to go to war with them. Our economic interests are tied up with them. A border conflict would be mutually destructive.\"
\"Perhaps some trade concessions?\"
\"Yes, that\u0027s probably a good idea. However, we can\u0027t give them too much. They\u0027ll have to be learning about our internal politics. We can\u0027t have the press and the people getting too excited, or they will certainly demand more than we can give. They need to accept that we are a superpower that is above their petty squabbles.\"
\"Well, if only Khrushchev had not criticized Stalin at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Chinese Communist Party could have been in charge of agriculture and light industry in our economic system.\" Romanov cursed Khrushchev again in his mind.
\"A period of increased trade may be useful. We\u0027ll have to carefully manage the press to avoid a panic. It would also be helpful to have a few high-profile defections to use as propaganda. However, as a general rule, we should avoid anything that draws attention to our diplomatic corps. A few minor border clashes now and again would probably be enough to keep everyone\u0027s mind off the real issues. We don\u0027t need another revolution. The Chinese Communist Party is more than capable of taking charge of China\u0027s future. There is no need for us to interfere.\"
\"You\u0027re right, speaking of defectors I wonder if it\u0027s possible to gather together opposition, criminals, and psychopaths from Warsaw Pact and ECC countries and have them smuggled into Western Europe like they did in Cuba?\"
\"It is possible. However, do you really think that would be wise?\"
\"No, but what other choice do we have? If we don\u0027t do anything, the situation will only get worse.\" Romanov put out his cigarette and said, \"Anyway, our opposition is going to oppose whoever is in power. How about, throwing them all to West Germany. By the way, we can also charge a fee to help smuggle Middle Eastern refugees and Afghans into Western Europe. Of course, what happens to them after they go over is not our business.\"
\"It might be a good idea. On the other hand, what happens if those refugees and Afghans decide to overthrow the government of France and Germany? \"
\"An Islamized Western Europe? We can imagine that this would stop the window-dressing propaganda offensive of Western Europe against Eastern Europe.\" Romanov smiled and added, \"By the way, could the KGB try to produce some Western European pornographic films with erotica.\"
\"I wouldn\u0027t be surprised.\"
\"They could call them the Red Film Commission.\"
\"Of course.\"
Romanov stood, and said, \"Prostitutes were found in Western Europe and Southeast Asia to produce and print pornographic films, books and magazines, which were smuggled into Europe. The European version added nationalist and racist rhetoric to degrade and discredit immigrants, and the Soviet version in circulation was to add reverse nationalist content, such as racist liberal rhetoric and the stomping and burning of the Soviet red flag and the overthrow of Lenin\u0027s statue. We should organize a mission to liberate the media and pornographic film industry.\"
\"I think you\u0027re being a little dramatic. However, you\u0027re right in a way. We definitely need to do something about this.\"\"Now, it\u0027s late, so I better get to my bed. Good night, Bobkov.\"
\"Good night, General Secretary.\"
With that, Romanov left the room.
Bobkov, still deep in thought, sat for a few moments before he got up and left as well.
Romanov returned to his own office in the Kremlin Senate, and Tregubova followed him to his office.
\"What happened?\" She asked, \"Did you resolve the problem with the Chinese?\"
\"I did.\"
\"What did you decide?\" She asked, her face showing her apprehension.
Romanov sat in his office chair and stared at her and said, \"What are you asking here?\"
\"I want to know what you decided.\"
\"I\u0027m still thinking about it, what do you think about the People\u0027s Republic of China?\" Romanov asked as he closed his eyes and pressed them, feeling that staying up late had given him a headache with myopia.
\"I\u0027m asking what you decided because you\u0027re the head of the KGB, and the head of a powerful secret police organization. You might have access to information that\u0027s not available to the public. If you don\u0027t want to tell me, that\u0027s fine. However, you can tell me because it concerns the safety of every citizen of the Soviet Union.\"
\"You\u0027re being unreasonable.\"
\"Am I? You\u0027re asking me to choose between betraying my government and putting other people\u0027s lives in danger. That\u0027s a pretty hard choice to make.\"
Romanov opened his eyes and said, \"Sit on my lap, I need to think about something.\"
\"Excuse me?\"
\"I said, sit on my lap.\"
Tregubova hesitated, then did as she was told. Romanov stroked her long hair and said, \"Our relationship is one, and you should be completely submissive and loyal to me, right?\"
\"Yes, General Secretary.\"
\"However, I am the head of the KGB and the Soviet Union. You do not question my decisions, regardless of how unreasonable they may seem.\"
\"I wasn\u0027t going to question your decision, I was simply asking what your decision was, that\u0027s all.\"
Romanov nodded in agreement, then he added, \"I want China to be the ECCU\u0027s base for agriculture and light industry, but it is now close to the United States.\"
\"Yes, but the United States is a capitalist country, and they\u0027ve been manipulating China for decades. They\u0027re using predatory trade practices and dumping cheap goods on the Chinese market. I want to free China from the tentacles of the American market.\"
\"And how do you propose to achieve this?\"
\"By forming an alliance with them. They\u0027ll never cooperate with us if we\u0027re seen as an enemy. If we have an alliance with them, the American market will have no choice, but to cooperate with us.\"
Romanov thought about it and said, \"I will consider your proposal, do you have a recommendation for someone to operate the Baltic Bank in Leningrad?\"
Tregubova smiled, then leaned forward and whispered, \"I myself have been to Leningrad and know the person who runs the bank.\"
\"Then, I suppose you\u0027re qualified.\"
Tregubova beamed with pride, then said, \"I would love to run the bank.\"
\"Yes,\" Romanov said, \"I\u0027m sure you would.\"
\"When do you want me to start?\"
\"No, I need you to remain secretary general of the Kremlin secretariat, and I don\u0027t want you to leave my side.\" Romanov said, putting his arm around her.
Tregubova smiled and said, \"I would be honored.\"
\"I think you should know Komsomol girls who know finance; after all, the Komsomol and the Party School are basically petty bourgeois. Find one to put her in charge of the Leningrad Bank for us indirectly.\"
\"Yes, General Secretary.\"
Romanov smiled and said, \"And while you\u0027re at it, find out what other talents this young lady might have.\"
\"I will do my best.\"
\"I know you will.\"
Tregubova smiled and left Romanov\u0027s office.
Romanov stared at the space where she had been sitting. He got up and went to the window, which looked out over the Kremlin\u0027s walls.
Standing there, he was able to think more clearly.
His eyes settled on the tower where he kept his office. In the distance, he could see lights in the top floor, where his own office was located.
Rather than being defeated by the United States, the collapse of the Soviet Union was the result of the Soviet ruling class betraying the Soviet Union and devouring it so that it could become a capitalist, and that interest was all the state assets of the superpower of the Soviet Union. This higher bargaining chip was so lucrative that all the bureaucrats fell to it.
The state coffers were empty, and the nation\u0027s credit cards maxed out. All of the nation\u0027s wealth was concentrated in the hands of a few wealthy bloodsuckers.
The pioneer girls of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union who grew up under the Red Flag were cheated and trafficked for euros, pounds, and dollars to underground brothels or private ownership in Western and Southern Europe, where some were rescued by the police and others disappeared from the world forever.
While the majority of the proletariat, peasants, and the middle class starved and struggled in the global market turmoil, the new rulers of Russia, the new market players of the post-Soviet Union, lived a life of luxury.
The state took control of almost all industries and assets, and the people who actually produced anything enjoyed a negligible cut of the profits. (Putin came to power to nationalize the bourgeoisie, and today more than $570 billion of Russia\u0027s $140 million GDP is now owned by Russian oligarchs.)
The rich oligarchs had their hands in every aspect of the economy, from retail to construction to mining. They bought anything and everything in an attempt to corner the markets, which they did. They purchased the natural resources with their ill-gotten gains.You just have to have the contacts and wealth to buy women from the mob in the three Baltic countries, Russia or Eastern European countries.
Even though, Russia is devalued compared to the Soviet Union with the ruble, skyrocketing prices, human trafficking, law and order chaos, and corruption to the point of extortion of money from the power sector. The people lost their houses, their job assignments, but for the neoliberals, they gained freedom and democracy from the Soviet Union\u0027s speech control...
Even though, Yeltsin shelled the parliament with vote fraud supported by the oligarchs. For NATO, Yeltsin\u0027s Russia was also a democracy.
The people were just pawns in a brutal game.